Nixon's Blackmail of a Few Good Men

The day after I put the last post online, I got a phone call from my friend Kris Millegan, publisher of Trine Day books. He wanted to remind me that, whether or not Richard Nixon met George Smathers or Bebe Rebozo in Miami earlier than has been documented, he really went to Congress shortly after the war because he had blackmailed certain government and Wall Street attorney/bankers with documents he discovered amongst captured German financial documents he reviewed during his years in the Navy.

In America's Nazi Secrets (published by Trine Day in 2010), John Loftus added a short footnote on page 221, not as a citation but a mere addendum to help explain why Vice President Nixon may have "received one Belarus leader in the White House...a major war criminal...," but the real meat of the discovery that gave rise to what Millegan call's Nixon's blackmail appears in the earlier book, John Loftus wrote with Mark Aarons (Secret War Against the Jews),which has been excerpted for convenience with the most relevant portion printed below:

Nixon's blackmail.

 
 

 

~~~ 
AGNOSTICS FOR NIXON, Part One
by Kris Millegan

"I am being the devil’s advocate … "         
                                                          —President Nixon, White House Tapes, March 13, 1973

Nixon's Beginning in Politics

Richard Milhous Nixon tried to be his own man, yes, sometimes he was the creature of others, but at the end of the day, he attempted to run his own show … and lost. You see, Tricky Dicky was a blackmailer.

July 1947 - HUAC

Nixon’s political career began when he was elected to the 80^th Congress in 1947 along with 107 other freshmen representatives, including future rival John F. Kennedy, future speaker Carl Albert and future senators Jacob Javitts and George Smathers. There they joined future president Lyndon Johnson, who had been in the U.S. House of Representatives since 1939. In 1949 LBJ moved on to the Senate, just when another future president Gerald Ford showed up to serve in the House of Representatives.

Just as Richard Nixon tells several different stories about where he was when President Kennedy was assassinated, there are several different tales about how Nixon became involved in politics. In the 1979 Memoirs of Richard Nixon, he writes about receiving a letter from the manager of the Whittier branch of the Bank of America, Herman Perry:

Dear Dick, Do you want to run for the Republican ticket? Airmail me your reply.

HL Perry

And at the Nixon Library website they glorify the anniversary date of the famous letter of September 29, 1945 and Nixon’s reply of October 6, 1945, where he writes, “I feel very strongly that Jerry Voorhis can be beaten and I’d welcome the opportunity to take a crack at him.” 

The website states “Nixon was a young up-and-coming attorney, a graduate of Duke University Law School, and a naval officer during World War II who had returned to his hometown of Whittier to work at an established law firm.”

Conrad Black writes in 2008 in Richard M. Nixon: A Life in Full, that Nixon telephoned Perry on October 1^st and then wrote his letter on October 2.

From Nixon admirer Ralph De Toledano in his book, Nixon, written in 1956, we learn about an ad placed in 26 newspapers by a "Committee of One Hundred Men":

WANTED – Congressman candidate with no previous political experience to defeat a man who has represented the district in the House for ten years. Any young man, resident of district, preferably a veteran, fair education, no political strings or obligations and possessor of a few ideas for betterment of country at large may apply for the job. Applicants will be reviewed by 100 interested citizens who will guarantee support but will not obligate the candidate in any way.

De Toledano says the first contact was by phone while Nixon was still living in Maryland and in the Navy. Nixon received this telephone call from Herman Perry, in which he asked, "Are you a Republican, and are you available?" 

What did Nixon do in the Navy? 

Again there are many different versions.

Wikipedia’s blurb states:

Nixon was eligible for an exemption from military service, both as a Quaker and through his job working for the OPA, but he did not seek one [exemption] and was commissioned into the United States Navy in August 1942. He was trained at Naval Air Station Quonset Point, Rhode Island and was then assigned to Ottumwa Naval Air Station, Iowa, for seven months. He was subsequently reassigned as the naval passenger control officer for the South Pacific Combat Air Transport Command, supporting the logistics of operations in the South West Pacific theater. After requesting more challenging duties, he was given command of cargo handling units. Nixon returned to the United States with two service stars (although he saw no actual combat) and a citation of commendation, and became the administrative officer of the Alameda Naval Air Station. In January 1945, he was transferred to Philadelphia's Bureau of Aeronautics office to help negotiate the termination of war contracts. There he received another letter of commendation, this time from Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal. In October 1945, he was promoted to lieutenant commander. He resigned his commission on New Year's Day 1946.

According to Mae Brussell, in “How Nixon Actually Got Into Power” from The Realist, Aug 1972, Nixon was working under “special orders”:

Nixon's 15 months in the South Pacific ended when he was transferred to Fleet Air Wing 8 at Alameda, California, and from there he was assigned on special orders to the Navy Bureau of Aeronautics. The Navy assigned him to "winding up" active contracts with such aircraft firms as Bell and Glenn Martin.(19)

As a Lieutenant Commander in the Navy, Richard Nixon's next task was that of "negotiating settlements" of terminated war contracts in the Bureau of Aeronautics Office at 50 Church Street, New York City.(20)

[Note from editor at QJ: This address was one of the Hudson Terminal Buildings near the World Trade Center, which has since been demolished. On the third floor was the office of the American Rocket Society, whose president at one time was Robert Truax, whose obituary in 2010 stated: "Mr. Truax was a career naval officer lent to the Air Force for top-secret projects, and later a corporate aerospace executive and an entrepreneur. His early research for the Navy laid the foundation for the liquid-propelled rockets that are the centerpiece of American space efforts, and he was a leader in developing the Thor, Viking and Polaris missile programs.When Wernher von Braun and other German rocket experts came to the United States, Mr. Truax led the team that debriefed them. As president of the American Rocket Society, he was an early, vigorous advocate of the American space program."]

Jay Gould castle site for Nazis

That year was 1945, when importation proceedings began for the 642 Nazi rocket and aerospace experts and scientists from Germany to the U.S. Through the "generosity of the Guggenheim Foundation they obtained a suitable site – a huge medieval castle, built by financier Jay Gould on a 160-acre estate at Sands Point, Long Island. Here the Germans began work on a secret project for the Navy's Office of Research and Inventions.(21)

19. Alameda, air contracts
          Ralph De Toledano (Duell, Sloan, Pearce), Page 37
20. New York, Contracts
         My Sir Crises (Pyramid Books, 1962), Page 81
21. Importation of Germans
        Project Paperclip: German Scientists and the Cold War
          Clarence Lasby (Atheneum Press, 1971), Pages 4-5

Here is Russ Bakers take on Nixon’s rise, from Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, America's Invisible Government, and the Hidden History of the Last Fifty Years, 2009:

Nixon's Big Break

In Nixon's carefully crafted creation story, his 1945 decision to enter politics was triggered when the young Navy veteran, working on the East Coast, received a request from an old family friend, a hometown banker named Herman Perry. Would he fly back to Los Angeles and speak with a group of local businessmen looking for a candidate to oppose Democratic congressman Jerry Voorhis? They felt he [Voorhis] was too liberal, and too close to labor unions.

The businessmen who summoned Nixon are usually characterized as Rotary Club types–a furniture dealer, a bank manager, an auto dealer, a printing salesman. In reality, these men were essentially fronts for far more powerful interests. Principal among Nixon's bigger backers was the arch-conservative Chandler family, owners of the Los Angeles Times. Nixon himself acknowledged his debt to the Chandlers in correspondence.

"I often said to friends that I would never have gone to Washington in the first place had it not been for the Times," he wrote.

Though best known as publishers, the Chandlers had built their fortune on railroads, still the preferred vehicle for shipping oil, and held wide and diverse interests.

Yet Voorhis appears to have recognized that forces even more powerful than the Chandler clan were opposing him. As he wrote in an unpublished manuscript, "The Nixon campaign was a creature of big Eastern financial interests ... the Bank of America, the big private utilities, the major oil companies." He was hardly a dispassionate observer, but on this point the record bears him out.

Nixon partisans would claim that "not a penny" of oil money found its way into his campaign. Perhaps. But a representative of Standard Oil, Willard Larson, was present at that Los Angeles meeting in which Nixon was selected as the favored candidate to run against Voorhis.

Voorhis, Littell, and Tommy the Cork ?

Representative Voorhis had caused a stir at the outset of World War II when he exposed a secret government contract that allowed Standard Oil to drill for free on public lands in Central California's Elk Hills. But the establishment’s quarrel with Voorhis was about more than oil.

While no anti-capitalist radical, Voorhis had a deep antipathy for corporate excesses and malfeasance. And he was not afraid of the big guys. He investigated one industry after another – insurance, real estate, investment banking. He fought for antitrust regulation of the insurance industry, and he warned against the "cancerous superstructure of monopolies and cartels." He also was an articulate voice calling for fundamental reforms in banking. He knew Wall Street was gunning for him. In his memoir, Confessions of a Congressman, Voorhis recalled:

The 12th District campaign of 1946 got started along in the fall of 1945, more than a year before the election. There was, of course, opposition to me in the district. There always had been. Nor was there any valid reason for me to think I lived a charmed political life. But there were special factors in the campaign of 1946, factors bigger and more powerful than either my opponent or myself.

And they were on his side.

In October 1945, the representative of a large New York financial house [emphasis Baker's] made a trip to California. All the reasons for his trip I, of course, do not know. But I do know that he called on a number of influential people in Southern California. And I know he "bawled them out." For what? For permitting Jerry Voorhis, whom he described as "one of the most dangerous men in Washington," to continue to represent a part of the state of California in the House of Representatives, This gentleman's reasons for thinking me so "dangerous" obviously had to do with my views and work against monopoly and for changes in the monetary system.

It is not clear whether Voorhis knew the exact identity of the man. Nor is it clear whether Voorhis knew that his nemesis, the Chandler family, had for several years been in business with Dresser Industries. The latter had begun moving into Southern California during the war, snapping up local companies both to secure immediate defense contracts and in anticipation of lucrative postwar opportunities.

One of these companies, Pacific Pump Works, which manufactured water pumps, later produced components for the atomic bomb. The Chandlers were majority shareholders in Pacific Pump when Dresser acquired the company, and so gained a seat on the Dresser board, along with such Dresser stalwarts as Prescott Bush. But there was even more of a Bush connection to the movers and shakers behind Nixon's entry into politics.

In October 1945, the same month in which that "representative of a large New York financial house" was in town searching for a candidate to oppose Voorhis, Dresser Industries was launching a particularly relevant California project. The company was just completing its purchase of yet another local company, the drill bit manufacturer Security Engineering, which was located in Whittier, Nixon's hometown. The combined evidence, both from that period and from the subsequent relationships, suggests that Voorhis's Eastern banking representative may have been none other

than Prescott Bush himself. If so, that would explain Nixon's sense of indebtedness to the Bush family, something he never acknowledged in so many words but clearly demonstrated in so many actions during his career.

A Basis for Blackmail?

And then there is the tale former Justice Department investigator and author John Loftus tells in  America’s Nazi Secrets, 2010:

When Richard Nixon was a naval officer, he was assigned to the Brooklyn Navy Yard to review captured German financial documents, some of which, according to legend, involved the Dulles brothers and their clients. The Dulles brothers promptly financed Nixon’s first run for Congress and then prevailed upon Eisenhower to take him on as Vice President. Australian intelligence records confirmed that President Nixon used the eastern European Nazi vote as his ethnic counterweight to the Jewish vote for the Democrats in five key states.

Nixon getting brimmed by Prescott Bush, a good friend and business partner of the Dulles brothers … and a director of a Nazi Bank.

Hmm, if Nixon is blackmailing the Dulles brothers, that could explain a few things. 

Those Nasty Nazis

Such as this from Howard Blum’s Wanted: The Search for Nazis in America, where we again run into Mr. Herman Perry of Whittier, California:

The gray farmhouse was surrounded by shouting men. A rock crashed through a window. Other stones slammed against the front door and roof. Stefan Feraru tried to call for help, but it was useless: The telephone lines had been cut. At least a hundred men crowded the finely shaven green lawns stretching from the road to the main house. Most were just observers, up from Detroit for a fine summer's day in the country. The crowd, though, had been drinking and the alcohol and sun mixed to make them restless and aggressive. Many, waving their bottles in the air, started chanting in a tough, loud cadence: "Com-mun-ists ... Com-mun-ists ... "

At the head of the lawn, directly in front of the farmhouse, was a more menacing group of approximately thirty men. They were neither drunk nor merely restless. They had planned the assault on the Rumanian Orthodox Episcopate in Grass Lakes, Michigan, as if it were a military operation: first the phone lines would be cut, a barrage of rocks, and then the final push ­ – the seizure of the Vatra. In fact, many of these men were trained soldiers. They had been trained twenty years ago in Rumania when they fought with the Iron Guard.

These men, some brandishing broom handles, advanced toward the house. A priest's new Buick directly in their path became an easy target: Windows were smashed and tires slashed. Another volley of rocks was thrown as they moved closer. Inside the farmhouse, Bishop Moldovan and his priests began to panic. "We were scared," Stefan Feraru remembered. "We had come to the Vatra a few days early to prepare for the annual church congress. We knew there would be some discussion, some debate, but we never expected an attack. These men were wild."

Father Oprean, a short priest with a long, gray beard, decided he could stop the assault; he believed no one would attack a priest dressed in his black cassock, a cross hanging from his neck. He walked out to the front porch and raised his arms, appealing for quiet. "Fellow Christians," he began. But before he could continue, he was dragged from the porch. Clutching the priest's beard, the attacker spun the priest as if he were a child's top into the crowd. Men surrounded the priest, pushing, punching, and kicking until Father Oprean fell to the ground. He lay dazed, a small, old man, his black cassock spread about the green grass like a discarded rag.

Bishop Moldovan had no choice but surrender. If a battle were to be fought, he would have to wage it in an American court. On Independence Day – July 4 –1952, he surrendered the two hundred-acre-farm in northern Michigan to the priests and supporters of the newly chosen dissident bishop – Valerian Trifa.

The Reverend Vasile Pascau, Bishop Moldovan's secretary, had been inside the farmhouse during the assault and later wrote: “… a group of Iron Guardist hoodlums … invaded our property … beating an old priest ... creating terror among our women, children, and old people, exactly as Hitler did once in Germany against the Jews. After this kind of ordeal, they took over our property by force, chasing us out."

On Wednesday, May 11, 1955, Bishop Trifa had the honor of offering the opening prayer before the U.S. Senate … Trifa's presence had been requested by Vice President Richard M. Nixon. … it was no political accident that Richard Nixon invited Trifa to the Senate. It seemed more than coincidental that Richard Nixon had a rather incriminating history of involvement with another Iron Guardist who had also immigrated to America – Nicolae Malaxa.

In his June 1941 trial, Viorel Trifa was identified as "commandant of the student Iron Guard corps; he has organized this corps and supplied it with arms." But it was another trial held that same month which named Trifa's source for the tanks, guns, and munitions used in the revolt and pogrom. The source was Nicolae Malaxa, the chief contributor to the Iron Guard and the wealthiest man in Rumania, if not all Eastern Europe. Both Trifa and Malaxa were convicted and both shared the same eventual fate – sanctuary in the United States.

During the 1930s, Malaxa had perceptively invested a sizable loan from the Rumanian government intended for his locomotive factories into other industries, By 1939, he had purchased controlling interests in numerous steel, rubber, munitions, and artillery factories; Malaxa had seen the future of Europe and had realized the next decade's profits were to be earned from guns, not butter.

Malaxa, though, was not just a businessman. He also was a political force in Rumanian politics, an agent who actively worked and conspired with the Nazis and the Iron Guard. From his factories, Malaxa hoped, would come the weapons which would win the New Order.

Albert Goering

In 1936, Malaxa went to Berlin to meet with Reichsmarschall Hermann Goering and the two men parted as business partners. This personal agreement became formalized in the 1940 Wohlstadt Pact which integrated Malaxa's industries with Germany's. Directing this new Nazi industrial coalition were Nicolae Malaxa and Albert Goering, younger brother of the Reichsmarschall.

Malaxa's partnership with the Nazis also intruded into domestic Romanian politics with his staunch support for the Iron Guard. A telegram sent on January 8, 1941, by the German minister in Ruwallin to the Foreign Ministry in Berlin accurately documents the financier’s relationship with the Guardists: "In this fight between the General [Antonescu] and the legionnaire command, one man plays a role who even earlier played a secret part in Rumanian politics: … the present financial mainstay of the legionnaires, N. Malaxa. The legionaires let the clever, big industrialist finance them. He has in his plants the leader of the legionnaire labor organization, Ganeu, and their green flags flutter above his factories.... Malaxa has even again supplied with arms the legionnaire police.... " Just two weeks after this secret diplomatic telegram was sent, the Iron Guard revolt broke out, and Malaxa's complicity became even more conspicuous: His house served as the Bucharest Guard headquarters and munitions depot.

Malaxa, however, was more successful in business than politics, and after the revolt failed he was convicted and jailed by the Antonescu government. He remained in jail for only six months and, under pressure from the Nazis, the Rumanian officials were forced to begin returning Malaxa's industrial properties. By April 1945, all of Malaxa's holdings were restored.

Declassified by CIA 2004-2006

With the defeat of the Nazis, the adaptive Malaxa was ready to make new alliances. Grady McClaussen [phonetic?], head of the American Office or Strategic Services (OSS) in Rumania, signed personal contracts and became an employee of Malaxa's while still stationed in Rumania as an agent of the OSS. These contracts stipulated that McClaussen would be paid certain sums once Malaxa arrived in the United Slates. Ten years after these contracts were signed, immigration officials would argue that these agreements were actually bribes: money to be paid to the OSS agent if McClaussen got Malaxa into the United States.

Obituary in New York Times, July 2, 1950

[Note from editor at QJ: This OSS agent "McClaussen" was actually a war-time intelligence officer named Grady Cameron McGlasson, who died suddenly in July 1950 and was buried in Arlington Cemetery. See the obituary to the right, which reveals that he graduated from the Naval Academy, only to become an Army Colonel, an intelligence officer at the head of a group of Greek guerrillas, parachuting behind the enemy lines in the Balkans during WWII. McGlasson was a member of the American delegation to the Allied Control Commission for Rumania, which dealt with Malaxa's factories after flying from Athens in the fall of 1944, according to an essay written for Foreign Affairs magazine in 1952 by Barry Brannen called "The Soviet Conquest of Rumania".]

It's Not Rocket Science, Is It?

Malaxa's dealing with the OSS did not preclude, however, his making similar overtures to the Russians. For reasons never disclosed, the Communist government of Rumania in April 1945, issued decree without precedent: Malaxa received $2,460,000 in American money for steel manufacturing plants which had been appropriated by the new Rumanian government and then given to the Russians as reparation payment.

But, despite this ability to make unique deals with the Communists, Malaxa remained intent on immigrating to the United States. On September 29, 1946 Malaxa arrived in New York as part of a Rumanian government trade mission. He was never to return to Europe.

See "FDR and the Holocaust" in FDR Library

In 1948, Malaxa formally applied for permanent residence in the United States, appealing for admission under the Displaced Persons Act. For the next ten years Malaxa was to fight a legal battle to remain in America – the best legal battle his money could buy. Malaxa's first step was to claim millions of dollars which had been deposited before the war in the Chase National Bank [John J. McCloy would later be named its chairman] in the name of one of his corporations. These funds had been frozen as enemy assets during the war by John Pehle [pronounced Pa-ley] of the Treasury Department.

Normally, such funds are used for postwar compensation to American companies (such as Standard Oil) which had property confiscated by Rumania. However, John Pehle [see a photo in The American Jewish Weekly Chicago in March 30, 1944] had since returned to private practice [his resignation from War Relief Board was announced Jan. 27, 1945] and Malaxa shrewdly hired the law firm of Pehle and Loesser [sic] to argue his case. This time, Pehle and Malaxa won. [Pehle's partners were Lawrence S. Lesser, James H. Mann, Ansel F. Luxford, former general counsel of IRS, and Karl Riemer.]

Similarly, Ugo Carusi was United States Immigration commissioner when Malaxa first attempted to enter as a displaced person. When Carusi resigned his job, Malaxa hired him. Other former government officials and their associates were recruited – and compensated – to assist in Malaxa's legal suits:

• Secretary of State John Foster Dulles's law firm of Sullivan and Cromwell;

• former Air Force Secretary Thomas K. Finletter's law firm; and

• the firm of former Undersecretary of State Adolph A. Berle, who personally testified on Malaxa's behalf before a Congressional Subcommittee on Immigration.

The briefs of these lawyers, though, were no match for the vivid eyewitness testimony detailing Iron Guard atrocities which were heard at every Immigration hearing. A victim of justice, Malaxa tried, instead, privilege. At Malaxa's urging, the junior senator from California, Richard Nixon, introduced a private bill in 1951 which would allow Malaxa to remain permanently in the United States. Congressman Emanuel Celler, head of the House Immigration Committee later said on television, "I saw something suspicious about the bill ... I held up the bill.”

The bill was never passed. The bill was defeated, but it was not the end of Nixon's involvement with Malaxa. The Rumanian (or one of his lawyers or advisors) now had a new scheme. In May 1951, at the height of the Korean War when all industry was under war-time control, Malaxa organized the Western Tube Corporation. The company, of which Malaxa was treasurer and sole stock owner – a thousand dollars worth – planned to manufacture seamless tubes for oil refining. Athough most similar manufacturing was done in the East, Malaxa's plan was to construct facilities on the West Coast, near the California oil fieIds. It had taken Malaxa five years in the United States to locate what he insisted was the perfect site for new industry – a small suburb east of Los Angeles, Whittier, California. And for Malaxa's purposes, the site was perfect. It was, coincidentally, the hometown of the then junior senator from California, Richard Nixon. This was, for Malaxa's purposes, just the first of many perfect coincidences.

Western Tube's California address was 607 Bank of America Building, Whittier. This was the same address as that of the law firm Bewley, Kroop & Nixon. Throughout his Senate career, Nixon's name remained part of the official firm title and Nixon used the office on his vacations in California.

Thomas Bewley, Nixon's long-time friend and law partner, was secretary of Western Tube.

Herman L. Perry, the vice president of Western Tube, was an old Nixon political supporter, the same "family friend" whom Pat Nixon credited as the man who "got Dick ... to oppose Congressman Jerry Voorhis."

On May 17,1951, the Western Tube Corporation filed for a "certificate of necessity" to give top war-time priority to its materials and personnel. Also, the company filed a petition seeking "first preference quota" for its treasurer, Nicolae Malaxa, on the grounds that he was indispensable to the operation of Western Tube. These two applications were personally promoted by Senator Nixon. Nixon telephoned the executive assistant to INS Commisioner James Hennessy to plead for Malaxa's permanent entry. And a letter sent by Nixon to the Defense Production Administrator marked "Urgent" insisted, "It is important strategically and economically, both for California and the entire United States, that a plant for the manufacturing of seamlees tubing for oil wells be erected … urge that every consideration it may merit be given to the pending application."

Both appeals were successful. The application for Western Tube was quickly approved and on September 26, 1953, Malaxa was admitted from Canada under a special first-preference petition as a permanent resident.

Yet, once Malaxa obtained permanent residence in the United States, nothing further was ever done to make Western Tube a reality. Neither Malaxa nor Nixon nor any of the corporation's other sponsors ever again concerned themselves with Western Tube. Congressman John Shelley of California was later to observe, "It is impossible to discover any reasons for creating Western Tube and seeking a certificate of necessity other than to give Malaxa a springboard for entry into the United States."

A year after becoming a permanent resident, Malaxa visited with Juan Peron in Argentina. Malaxa also met in Buenos Aires, according to the CIA, with Otto Skorzeny, the Nazi parachutist who had rescued Mussolini in 1943. Skorzeny, now settled in Madrid, remained a close associate of other Rumanian exiles, including Horia Sima, the head of the Iron Guard.

When, ten months later, Malaxa attempted to re-enter the United States, he was challenged once more by the INS. In 1958, after two years in the courtroom, Hearing Officer Arnold Martin ruled against Malaxa and ordered him deported. Malaxa appealed the decision and won. Another Nixon friend, U.S. Attorney General William Rogers, affirmed the Immigration Appeals Board's ruling. "How interesting," Congressman Shelley noted with judicious understatement, "that this man ... found sanctuary in the United States thanks to the special favors accorded him by Mr. Nixon and Mr. Rogers. This was at a time when thousands of deserving displaced persons, victims of Mr. Malaxa's Nazis, Iron Guardists, and Communists, were unable to obtain admission. Maybe they would have done better if they transported plunder and been friendly enough with Richard Nixon to obtain his personal intervention in their behalf."

The Lawyers Take the Case

In attempting to document the information about Malaxa's court case, this editor (QJ) happened upon the case of UNITED STATES of America ex rel. Chaja KASEL DE PAGLIERA, Petitioner, v. Joseph SAVORETTI, District Director, United States Immigration and Naturalization Service, District No. 6, Miami, Florida, Respondent. UNITED STATES of America ex rel. Nicolae MALAXA, Petitioner, v. Joseph SAVORETTI, District Director, United States Immigration and Naturalization Service, Respondent. Civ. Nos. 6705-M, 6728-M, which is reported as UNITED STATES v. SAVORETTI, 139 F. Supp. 143 (S.D. Fla. 1956) - Decided Feb. 15, 1956.

David W. Walters, Miami, Fla., and Jack Wasserman, Washington, D.C., were the attorneys of record for petitioner, Nicolae Malaxa. Walters was the finance chairman for Florida Congressman Fascell's campaign and Drew Pearson named him also as "the attorney for ex-dictator Perez Jiminez of Venezuela". Pearson also disclosed in 1963 that immigration attorney Wasserman represented Carlos Marcello.

Malaxa's writ of habeas corpus case, pooled with the others, was designated Civ. No. 6728-M, and the court made the following findings of fact pertaining to him:

1. Petitioner, a 71-year-old stateless native of Roumania, was issued an immigration visa for permanent residence on or about September 26, 1953, and was admitted to the United States for permanent residence by the Immigration and Naturalization Service at Rouses Point, New York.

2. Petitioner was admitted for permanent residence after the Attorney General had certified that his services were urgently needed in the United States, and that they would be beneficial to our national interests.

3. Petitioner was admitted to the United States for permanent residence after his case had been investigated and approved by the Department of State and the Department of Justice.

4. The petitioner applied for and received a reentry permit from agents of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, valid until December 17, 1955.

5. The petitioner proceeded with the aforesaid reentry permit to Argentina and on October 12, 1955, while he was in Argentina, the Immigration and Naturalization Service revoked the said reentry permit without a hearing. This revocation was declared null and void *148 by the United States District Court for the District of Columbia on December 7, 1955, and no appeal has been taken from such decision.

6. On December 16, 1955, the petitioner arrived at Miami, Florida, in possession of valid travel documents, including a valid reentry permit, which he presented to the immigration authorities.

7. Without notifying petitioner of any charges and without assigning any reasons, the respondent has refused to permit petitioner to reenter the United States and has confined him on parole, with limited exceptions, to the State of Florida. Petitioner has been denied permission to visit his family in New York or to conduct business activities there or to visit counsel in Washington, D.C. He has been denied permission to travel in the United States, except that he may be present in cities where his immigration case will be heard.

8. Respondent has not advised petitioner or the Court of the charges against petitioner, nor have any reasons been advanced as to why it is necessary to restrict petitioner's liberty of movement in the United States.

9. Petitioner's immigration hearing began on January 26, 1956, and it appears that considerable time will elapse before a final administrative decision is reached.

10. The restriction and interference with the petitioner's liberty pending final administrative decision in his case will cause him irreparable injury.

The court then ordered Malaxa's release from confined and required the U.S. Government to furnish a hearing for him before denial of re-entry into the U.S. Listen to Mae Brussell on Malaxa and Operation Paperclip below, or read transcript: beginning at 16:40 on the tape, where she talks briefly about Howard Blum’s book mentioned above: Wanted! Search for Nazis in America. After discussing Nixon's political birth in 1946, after his stint in the Navy and at the Bureau of Aeronautics at 50 Church Street in New York City, she mentions here her 1972 Realist article about Nixon's role with Allen and John Foster Dulles with Operation Paperclip, before resuming with Blum's book at 24:30.

Mae brings up Nixon's meeting with Herman Perry's group at 28:00, reminding us that all this was occurring six months after Malaxa was allowed to come into the U.S. on September 29, 1945, to receive $2,460,000 in reparations to his business, which had to be deposited in Chase National Bank. All the funds had been maintained for him, she says, by John W. Pehle of the Treasury Department, throughout the war. After coming initially to New York, he settled in Whittier, California (30:00), where he opened a "dummy front" company called Western Tube Corporation. He claimed he made tubes for oil refining with the address of 607 Bank of America Building in Whittier. Coincidentally, that was also the address of the law office of Richard Nixon at Wingert & Bewley until Wingert's death in 1943. Thomas William Bewley lived until 1986. When Nixon joined the firm it became Kroop, Bewley & Nixon, although nothing appears online indicating the full name of Kroop.

Then Along Came Oswald

Brussell makes a fascinating case about Nixon's working with Tom Bewley and Herman Perry in setting up Western Tube Corp. for Malaxa, who she said stayed in New York long enough to accept the millions of dollars provided him by the U.S. Government (the Dulles brothers), then went to Whittier and on to Argentina, at the same time as another family, Alexandr Romanovich Ziger, a Polish Jew, who lived in Argentina between 1938 and 1956. In another location Brussell stated about this Nazi family, whom she referred to as Lee Harvey Oswald's only connection to Nazis:

The Argentine Connections: Isaac Don Levine and the Ziger Family
    The Warren Report wasn't published until September, 1964. Testimony of witnesses and exhibits were being collected up to the day of printing. Yet as early as June 2, 1964, Isaac Don Levine, another arch-enemy of Communists and a so-called expert on the Soviet mind, was arranging with the Warren Commission staff to bring the daughters of Oswald's boss, Alexander Ziger, from the Minsk Radio factory to Argentina. He suggested using CIA assistance.
    What was that about?
    "When the Oswalds left Russia they smuggled out a message to one of the relatives of the Zigers living in the U.S. They wanted help to get the Zigers’ daughters out of Russia. The daughters, having been born in Argentina, could claim Argentine citizenship. Levine suggested some confidential source in the American Government such as the CIA should contact the Argentine Government to set machinery in motion. (Memorandum from W. David Slawson: Conference with Mr. Isaac Don Levine, May 23, 1964).
    January 21, 1964, John J. McCloy told Commission members, before any witness was yet called, "this fellow Levine is a contact with Marina to break the story up in a little more graphic manner and tie it into a Russian business, and it is with the thought and background of Russian connections, conspiracy concept."
    If there was a Russian conspiracy to kill President John Kennedy, John McCloy, Isaac Don Levine, Allen Dulles, and J. Edgar Hoover, not to speak of Nixon and others, would squeeze that out.
    Remember Gary Powers strongly hinted at Oswald's role in downing the U-2, breaking up the Eisenhower-Khrushchev meeting while Lee was employed at the Minsk Radio factory?
    Nicolae Malaxa, Otto Skorzeny, and international CIA-DIA agents were thick in both Minsk and Argentina. It was Alexander Ziger and his family who introduced Lee to Marina Oswald. That same evening they were at the home of an unidentified woman just returned from the U.S.
    The President of the U.S. had been murdered in 1963.
    Six months later the CIA is supposed to assist the Ziger daughters?
    One more connection to Richard Nixon.
    When poor Whittaker Chambers almost collapsed from the strain of having to testify against Alger Hiss, it was Isaac Don Levine who took "Chambers by the arm, a reluctant Chambers, and arranged the meetings where he would begin to smear Hiss." (Friendship and Fratricide, Meyer Zelig).
    When Levine was searching for a Soviet connection to Kennedy's death, he was also doing business with Marina's new manager, James Martin. It was Martin who was selling the photo of Oswald posing with Communist literature and a rifle, the same evidence pulled from the Paine's garage. Notice the similarity to the Whittaker Chambers pumpkin papers years earlier that launched Nixon's political career and convicted Alger Hiss.
    If the evidence didn't fit the conclusions of the investigators, the one picture would sell the Oswald assassin story.

Sugar Daddy of John Birch Society

A popular "conspiracy" author, G. Edward Griffin, member of the John Birch Society, narrated a documentary about John Birch in the 1960s, which readers may find interesting. It depicts the heroic life of Birch as a missionary who was on the scene to rescue the Doolittle Raiders, who had a secret mission to bomb the Japanese mainland in April 1942. Corporal Leland D. Faktor was killed during the raid and was buried in a service presided over by Rev. Birch.

Who exactly was this man, Robert Welch, who in 1958 founded a group in honor of John Birch? Besides being the man who gave us Sugar Daddies, Sugar Babies, Milk Duds and Junior Mints, he also gave us the father of the Koch Brothers, chief funders of the Tea Party movement today. Jane Mayer wrote in her 2010 article in The New Yorker, "Covert Operations: The Billionaire Koch Brothers' War Against Obama":

A Republican campaign consultant who has done research on behalf of Charles and David Koch said of the Tea Party, “The Koch brothers gave the money that founded it. It’s like they put the seeds in the ground. Then the rainstorm comes, and the frogs come out of the mud—and they’re our candidates!”

Did the Tea Party Spring from John Birch's Ashes?

Robert Henry Winborne Welch, Jr., was born near Elizabeth City, North Carolina, in 1899, growing up on the farm Frances Hallowell Welch, his grandmother, owned. Her son, Robert, Sr., wife Lina Verona (James) Welch, and their children farmed the land with help from six black workers who lived there. Even after the candy-making brothers left home, the youngest son William Dorsey Welch would remain on this northeastern North Carolina farm surrounded by his grandmother's Hallowell relatives.

Something of a prodigy, young Bobby entered college at Chapel Hill, North Carolina, at the age of 12 and graduated from that institution in 1916. The cities of Chapel Hill and Durham were the agricultural, industrial and financial domain controlled by Julian Shakespeare Carr and his wife Nannie--who in 1924 made application to the National Society of the Sons of the American Revolution, the same year he died. After Carr's tobacco company had become successful, he sold it in 1898 to James Buchanan Duke of nearby Durham, who had begun mass producing cigarettes in the 1880s. Duke died only months after Carr's death, but not before James B. Duke, his father and brother had helped to change this section of North Carolina forever.

• J.B.'s older brother, Benjamin Newton, had launched the family into the textile business as early as 1892. As their textile interests developed, the need for economical water power led the 
• Dukes into the hydroelectric generating business. In 1905, they founded the Southern Power Company, now known as Duke Power, one of the companies making up Duke Energy, Inc. Within two decades, this company was supplying electricity to more than 300 cotton mills and various other factories, electric lines, and cities and towns primarily in the Piedmont region of North and South Carolina.
• Lifelong Methodists, the two brothers practiced the kind of financial stewardship encouraged by their church and instilled in them by their father. Ardent Republicans and sympathetic to the downtrodden, the Dukes, individually and collectively, gave to a number of causes. 
• In December, 1924, James B., who was by far the wealthiest member of the family, established The Duke Endowment as a permanent trust fund with designated beneficiaries. In so doing, he was following the family's long-standing patterns of philanthropy. 
• In 1892, Washington Duke had helped a Methodist-related institution, Trinity College, relocate to Durham, and since 1887 Ben had been a member of the school's Board of Trustees. A new university built around Trinity was to be the prime beneficiary of the Duke Endowment, and at the insistence of Trinity President William Preston Few, the college was re-chartered as Duke University in honor of Washington Duke and his family.

Back in 1880 Trinity College enrolled a "special" student, its first international student-- a young Chinese boy who would later be known as Charlie Soong, who spent the summer of 1881 in Durham with his sponsor, Julian S. Carr. It was a decade later that Trinity was relocated to Durham, the name being change to Duke. The Duke University Board of Trustees was established the year Carr died and the year James B. Duke created his endowment. James B. Duke and his wife had only one child, Doris Duke, born in 1912. When he died in 1925, he left another $67 million to the endowment.

Too young to join the military, he enrolled at Annapolis Naval Academy, according to the Documentary History of John Birch Society:

Bobby Welch

Robert H.W. Welch enrolled in the U.S. Naval Academy at Annapolis MD during World War I, and during World War II he served on the Advisory Commission of the Office of Price Administration [one of 50 advisers] for the candy industry. In 1922, Welch founded the Oxford Candy Company and was its Sales Manager in 1935. Beginning in 1940, he was Vice President and Director of Sales and Advertising of his brother's candy company, The James O. Welch Company of Cambridge MA. In 1947, Welch was the recipient of the Kettle Award by the candy industry. From 1940-1944, Welch was a Board member of the Massachusetts Chess Federation.

From 1951 to 1954, he was a member of the Belmont MA School Committee and served as Director of several small businesses and one bank. He served as Chairman of the Board of the Washington Commission of the National Association of Candy Manufacturers and also was a member of the Board of Directors of the United Prison Association. From 1951-1957 he was a Director of the National Association of Manufacturers, being its Vice President from 1955-1957. In 1941, he authored the book, The Road To Salesmanship. In 1952 his book, May God Forgive Us was published and in 1954, The Life of John Birch.

In conducting research on certain persons in Fort Worth, Texas, this blog writer came across the fact that John Birch, for whom Welch named his group, had attended a Baptist seminary in that city in 1940 and arrived in China only months before the U.S. entered the war against Japan. Rick Perlstein wrote in Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus, that Welch's book, The Life of John Birch:

told the tale of a young American Baptist missionary-cum-spy who learned at the close of World War II of the Communists' secret plan to take over China. He was assassinated, and his murder was supposedly covered up by State Department quislings who knew if the story got out their own complicity in Mao's victory would be revealed.

Armed with that information, I began to wonder why Robert Welch was drawn to use John Birch as the name of a supposedly libertarian society, given the fact that foreign missionaries were engaged in such an internationalist role abroad, and that Norris' seminary was so closely tied to, and financed by, an international network of airline companies. Notwithstanding that curious anomaly, it should also be pointed out that descendants of some of Welch's original members are today involved with equally incongruous activities.

Fred C. Koch

For example, during the early days of the JBS, it has been revealed in a recent memoir by Claire Conner, Wrapped in the Flag: A Personal History of America's Radical Right, how much influence Welch exerted on her father, Stillwell J.Conner. The author talks about  Fred C. Koch, who was on the original board of the JBS with Welch, and about his two sons, Charles and David Koch, the subject of another recent book, Koch Brothers Exposed. The Koch brothers, as we all know, set up the infrastructure for today's "libertarian" Tea Party, based upon their pouring of:

hundreds of millions of dollars into right-wing organizations like Institute for Humane Studies, the Cato Institute, the Mercatus Center at George Mason University, the Bill of Rights Institute, the Reason Foundation, Citizens for a Sound Economy and the Federalist Society.

These foundations are not unlike the propaganda mill which used the millions of dollars made available after World War II through the Marshall Plan in Europe, which these so-called libertarians have long ranted against. It is also similar to funds like INCA which spread propaganda throughout South and Central America.

The Candy Man Can

What was it that inspired Welch to start funding this libertarian movement? After completing his studies in Chapel Hill, North Carolina, Welch spent two years at the Naval Academy at Annapolis. He then moved to Cambridge in 1919 to attend law school at Harvard until 1921. While he was was preparing to be a lawyer, however, he met a Wellesley girl in the Class of 1922 named Marian Lucile Probert, whose father (George Ernest Probert) had immigrated to the U.S. from England and worked in the area of Pittsburgh before settling down in Akron, Ohio. As a freshman at Wellesley, therefore, Marian may have encountered May-ling Soong (eventually Madame Chiang Kai-shek),who graduated from Wellesley College in 1917. Or perhaps Robert walked in the steps trod by her brother T.V. Soong, who finished college at Harvard in 1915 and was Finance Minister of the Nationalist party in China by 1927.

When Robert and Marian married  in the Wellesley College Chapel, his bride had recently returned from a trip to Europe with college friends. The newlyweds remained in the Cambridge area while Robert worked in his brother's candy factory, giving up a career in law. By 1928 he was treasurer of the Oxford Candy Company at 185 Albany Street and had moved to the Watertown suburb of Cambridge, Massachusetts. In August 1929 Marian again returned from a trip to England with their two sons, Robert III and Hillard, but if Robert accompanied them, he returned on his own through an unreported means of transport. The year 1930 found the Welch family living on Long Island at Hempstead, New York, while he commuted to his own candy factory in Brooklyn. A younger brother, Miles Edward Welch, lived with the family and helped in the manufacture of the candy.

Several years later, as early as 1939, both Robert and his brother, James Overton Welch, lived almost next door, both owning homes on Fletcher Road in Belmont, MA. We are told that Robert took a trip to England in 1946 to study socialism's negative impact on the country:

In 1946, Welch journeyed to England to study the destructive impact on that country of its socialist Labor Government. He was alarmed and distressed by the pursuit of similarly destructive policies by our own federal government. He was even more alarmed by the foreign policies of the Truman State Department, which were betraying our allies and assisting with the establishment of Communist regimes in Europe and Asia.

However, according to an item appearing in a June 1947 newspaper in Portland, Maine, Welch had spent "several years" in England. Although it is not clear from any source found that Welch ever served in any military capacity, or exactly how he studied the socialist economy, it is noteworthy that he and his wife, Marian, spent some time in the British island of Bermuda, returning on a PanAm flight from Kindley Field in September 1949. That would have made them one of the first tourists to visit Bermuda by air, if they were indeed tourists and not visiting the island for business purposes.

Welch then became a candidate in the 1950 Republican primary for Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts, coming in second to Laurence Curtis, who lost in the general election to his Democrat opponent. 

The James O. Welch Co. began expanding in 1955, purchasing Mansfield chocolate factory, which made packaged candies like Peppermint Patties, Junior Mints and Milk Duds. In 1961, Welch bought the 40-year-old Merckens Chocolate Co. of Buffalo, N.Y., and transported half a million pounds of Merckens’ machinery to the Mansfield plant. In 1963 the National Biscuit Company bought James Welch's company. James Welch, Sr. served as a director of Nabisco from 1963 until his retirement in 1978, and his son was president of the company, which in 1988 was the subject of much interest for takeover. But by then, Robert had left the company, ostensibly to pursue his intellectual interests and writing.

Was there more to his story?

John Birch Society Warning to JFK in 1958

Forewarning to JFK assassination? 

"... you will usually find him in church on Sunday morning, maybe even a Catholic church. But as a member of the United States Senate, running for the presidency, and smart enough to know the strong Communist support behind-the-scenes which he will have to get in order to have any chance of being nominated in 1960, such an amoral man can do a tremendous amount of ball-carrying on behalf of the Communist aims here in the United States... 

--Robert H.W. Welch, founder of John Birch Society (1958)

It was Rev. J. Frank Norris, who, using his seminary set up in the First Baptist Church of Fort Worth, was instrumental in teaching the Chinese language to John M. Birch in the short span of a year's time. The son of missionaries to northern India, John and his brother, Walter Ellis Birch, traveled aboard the S.S. Trafford Hall with their parents, George Snider and Ethel Birch, from Calcutta to Boston in 1920.

From Mission Fields to Fields of Poppies

Charlie Soong

The Birches were part of the "Jumna Mission" in Allahabad, first established by the Presbyterians in 1840. That area near the junction of the Jumna and Ganges rivers historically dates back to battles between the East India Company and the Moghul Empire before 1767. By 1773 the Honourable British Company had the monopoly on the Patna opium controlled by the Nawab of Bengal in this region, which was ultimately trafficked through Macao. This era in history was summarized by Sterling  Seagrave in his book about the Christian-educated Charlie Soong and his family, The Soong Dynasty:

Proper Englishmen like Dr.William Jardine, one of the greatest opium merchants, purchased raw opium from Indian growers for niggardly sums, and resold it to the Chinese through Hong Kong for ten times the amount. For a while, the British were successful in financing their imports of tea by smuggling opium to China, but as tea consumption rose, opium traffic had to be increased accordingly. Since the Manchu regime had banned opium trading, British ships carried their loads to the Portuguese colony of Macao, at the mouth of the Pearl River, unloaded the drug there, then sailed innocently into Canton harbor with legal cargoes. Later, when enough Manchu officials had become partners in the illicit trade, the opium was shipped directly into Canton, where it was stored brazenly in warehouses along the riverside.

Since the Manchus had banned opium, it became important for British and American merchants who traded in the drug to ensure that the Manchu dynasty was overthrown and replaced with a group they could control, possibly through a mutual religious frame of mind. Thus it was through the Protestant family of a young boy dubbed Charlie Soon that these Western merchants would ultimately control China.

It is not a coincidence that the Bengal area of India was an early location for Presbyterian missions since East India Company successor was created by Presbyterian Scots from Dumfriesshire. Dr. William Jardine (born in 1784) had been a surgeon aboard an East India Company ship and subsequently worked for and became a partner of Magniac and company, another opium trader in Canton. James Matheson and his nephew, Alexander Matheson, joined the firm Magniac and Co. in 1827, and joined the partnership in 1832 as Jardine, Matheson and company.

Matheson's interest in the firm ended up in the hands of his nephew:

Mr. Donald Matheson, of the Lews, worthily maintains the high reputation of his race. He was educated at the High School of Edinburgh, and being devoted to a business career proceeded to China as an assistant in the firm of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson and Co. Being of a deeply religious disposition his experience of the opium traffic was such that he became an intensely earnest anti-opiumist.

Donald Matheson

On his return to Scotland, he married, in 1849, Jane Ellen, daughter of Lieutenant Horace Petley, R.N., who is still a sympathetic partner of his domestic joys, and a helper in his public life. During the subsequent years Mr. Matheson has devoted himself mainly to mission work in Edinburgh and London. As an ardent Presbyterian he has rendered valuable service in the London Presbytery, and for a lengthened period acted as Hon. Secretary of their Presbyterian Mission in India. Mr. Matheson is also a Vice-President and Treasurer of the Evangelical Alliance; and he has done good service as a worker in the Foreign Evangelization Society. He gave evidence before the British Opium Commission at Westminster, and strongly denounced the sale of that drug in India under Government patronage. (emphasis added) {See note 1 below.}

Sir Robert Jardine had inherited a large portion of Jardine's interest in the the opium smuggling firm before 1865, when he entered Parliament and was created a baronet in 1885. Another portion was owned by William Johnston(e) "Tony" Keswick, a grandson of William Jardine's sister, who came into the firm in 1855 and became its head in London in 1886. Tony, was in charge of the Shanghai office until 1941. Tony and his brother John Keswick, served as senior intelligence operatives with the British Special Operations Executive (SOE) during WWII.

Du Yue-sheng

We learn from Douglas Valentine's excellently researched book, The Strength of the Wolf: The Secret History of America's War on Drugs, that William J. "Tony" Keswick (1903-1990), a director of Jardine Matheson Shipping Company, and who would be named to the board of the Bank of England and British Petroleum, also sat on the Shanghai Municipal Board (British International Settlement) with Du Yue-sheng. Du was given credit for facilitating Chiang Kai-shek's "bloody ascent to power in 1927," through a crime syndicate he controlled.

Chiang and his brother-in-law, T.V. Soong, were Du's "political protectors." According to Valentine, there was a connection between the Keswick brothers and America's Office of Strategic Services involving "drug-related espionage intrigues." (See also, Diplomacy and Enterprise: British China Policy, 1933-1937 by Stephen Lyon Endicott, which discusses W.J. Keswick's role in influencing British monetary policy in China during the appeasement phase.)

Mme Chiang (Meiling Soong)

American narcotics agent Garland Williams took command of the Army's reorganized Counterintelligence Corps six months prior to the Pearl Harbor attack. A year later he joined the OSS and was sent to London to confer with Tony Keswick, then chief of the British Special Operations Executive (BOE), whose brother, John Keswick, was then working with Chiang's spy chief, Gen. Tai Li, in Chungking, Du's new headquarters since 1941. With information manuals received from Keswick, Garland Williams returned to the U.S. to set up OSS training schools, and, by 1944, he was back in China with a top secret position at the Flying Tiger base in Kunming. All the details about how this relationship affected America's drug policy are provided in The Strength of the Wolf: The Secret History of America's War on Drugs.

Security training was provided by none other than "privateer," William D. Pawley, who would reappear again in the 1960's, helping to finance the fight against Fidel Castro. (See also Maochun Yu, OSS in China: Prelude to Cold War, relating to Gen. Tai Li and Keswick's secret China Commando Group; and The Dragon's War: Allied Operations and the Fate of China, 1937-1947, which states that John Keswick was "an intimate friend to T. V. Soong and Madame Chiang," formerly known as Meiling Soong. With reference to China and the Soong family, all the books by Peggy and Sterling Seagrave are highly recommended and now available to borrow free through Amazon Prime or purchase on Kindle.)

Pawley's 1918 passport (Ancestry.com). Click to enlarge.

Dulles Family of Presbyterian Missionaries

What serious students of government drug policy have learned over the years is that the government officials who make the policy are, for the most part, members of families with ties to either India, China, Persia, or other parts of the world where opium is grown, refined or sold lucratively. As mentioned above, the Keswick family were not only made wealthy through their inherited company, Jardine, Matheson, but were instrumental in directing British policy to their own benefit in China. In addition, they operated at a high level within the BOE in New York (also known as British Security Coordination), with headquarters at 630 Fifth Avenue, Room 3603—the same address for Allen Dulles when appointed to run the New York office in 1940.

In the words of Peggy and Sterling Seagrave in the New Epilogue to  Gold Warriors:

Once OSS was set up, Donovan became heavily involved in opium and heroin, mingling narcotics with espionage during the war. [footnote: Seagrave interviews with General Ray Peers. Detachment 101 used opium to pay agents. Ray Peers: “If opium could be useful in achieving victory, the pattern was clear. We would use opium.” Valentine, at page 47, quoting from The Burma Road.]

He learned a lot from the Brits. In China, he worked with SOE’s William and John Keswick of Jardine-Matheson, Britain’s biggest opium cartel in Asia, with a controlling interest in Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, and ties to the Oppenheimer family through the giant mining firm Rio Tinto Zinc.

(HSBC was one of the main repositories of Santy’s gold, and has blocked all efforts by his heirs to access it.) Together, Donovan and the Keswicks arranged deals with KMT spy-boss General Tai Li and his underworld business partner, druglord Du Yueh-sheng. So did Commander “Mary” Miles of SACO, the Sino American Cooperative Organization set up by Donovan’s old friend Navy
Secretary Frank Knox, as cover in China for the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI). Their currency in covert operations was drugs, gold, and diamonds.

Our own research into the background of John Birch (below) unearthed the fact that the missionary's parents had worked out of the Ewing Christian College on behalf of the American Board of Foreign Missions based in New York. Their passport application in 1918 included an affidavit signed by Mr. and Mrs. D.W. Griffin, Presbyterian missionaries in India, who reported on the application to the State Department of having known Birch and his wife for four months. Don W. Griffin had also been associated with Allen Dulles at that same location, according to annual report for January 1, 1917 of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. Board of Foreign Missions.

Excerpt from James Srodes, Allen Dulles: Master of Spies (Regnery Publishing Co. 1999):

The first of the [Dulles] line to arrive in America was a Joseph Dulles, who arrived in Charleston, South Carolina, during the Revolutionary War. ...The son, also Joseph Dulles, went to Yale and became a minister....

John Welsh Dulles, Joseph's son, also a Presbyterian minister, answered the call of missionary work that had so gripped the American Protestant churches of that time. The Reverend John Dulles and his wife went to India to preach at a mission in Madras [southeastern tip of India] and stayed there for years before health problems drove them home to Philadelphia. His wife, Harriet Lathrop Winslow, had income of her own, which helped this Reverend Dulles ascend into the hierarchy of the Presbyterian Missions Board. He became something of a celebrity for his memoirs of his work in India and his tours of the Holy Land. ... Since the Presbyterian church was such an important part of the family's identity, it was only natural that later generations of Dulles sons were educated at Princeton College, which was founded by Presbyterians. When it was his turn, Allen Macy Dulles [father of John Foster and Allen Welsh Dulles] graduated with honors from both the undergraduate college and the seminary....

Edith Foster Dulles [their mother] was a ... daughter of a diplomat....He [John Watson Foster] was the valedictorian of his class of 1855 at Indiana University, and his stint at Harvard Law School was followed by a year of reading law with Algernon Sullivan, an established attorney in Cincinnati.... In the 1872 presidential campaign, President Grant's tolerance of the corruption of his inner circle nearly cost him reelection. Yet despite the thousand faults and worries that beset Grant, General Foster, who was chairman of the Indiana Republican Party, stuck loyally to his wartime commander....In 1873 Grant rewarded his old friend by naming him minister to Mexico....

The seven-year tour of duty in Mexico was the first of nearly thirty years of assignments that took [their maternal grandfather] Foster and his family far away from Indiana forever. The next stop was an appointment by President Rutherford B. Hayes in 1880, as minister to the court of Russian Czar Alexander II.

John Welsh Dulles, Jr. was a brother of John Foster and Allen Dulles' father (Allen Macy Dulles), and his son, whose name is often given as William Dulles, Jr., was an attorney before serving as treasurer of the Presbyterian Foreign Mission Board for eight years. John Welsh, Jr. and two other siblings of Allen Macy were born in southern India, before their parents returned from the mission field to live in Philadelphia.

Their brother, Perrit, married into an influential family: Mallet-Prevost. Julia A. Mallet-Prevost had been born in Brownsville, Texas in 1854, while her father Dr. Grayson Mallet-Prevost of Philadelphia was serving as a diplomat in Mexico. Although born in Philadelphia in 1823, Grayson was a great grandson of the Frenchman, Henri Mallet, and his Swiss wife, Jeanne Gabrielle Prevost, whose last names were combined when they married in 1753. Jeanne's brother, Jacques Marc Prevost married Theodosia Bartow, shortly before the revolutionary war began in America; they became the parents of John Bartow Prevost and Augustine James Frederick Prevost. Shortly after their father died, fighting on the British side in the revolutionary war, Theodosia married Aaron Burr, tried but not convicted of treason.

John Birch Society--Another False Flag?

The future head of the Central Intelligence Agency, Allen Dulles arrived at his first paying job as an English teacher at Ewing Christian School, the same school where George Birch taught agriculture for three years, 1917-20 at the school which evolved into the Sam Higginbottom Institute {See Note 2 below}. Ethel May Ellis Birch had been the one to apply for the passport for herself in the summer of 1917 with George's passport being something of an afterthought. Two of their children would be born while they lived in Allahabad.

John Birch, a toddler, returned with his parents and infant brother from India in August 1920. Then between 1922 and 1930, five more siblings would be born in Vineland, New Jersey, where Ethel had been born and reared. Her parents were Walter Haskell and Liberty "Bertie" Cosman Ellis. When her father died before 1930, Ethel's mother went to live with a maiden sister, and the Birch family moved back to Georgia, where John's father's family had lived for generations. George Birch had obtained a teaching job at the Martha Berry College near Rome, Georgia, but in 1935 his name appeared in the Macon, Georgia city directory at the County Agricultural office where he supervised the screw worm program there.

By 1946 George Birch's employer was shown as the State Typhus Fever Control Service, and his supervisor would most likely have been Frank S. Hemmings, Jr., who had an office on the 7th floor of the federal building at 544 Mulberry in Macon. Georgia had a strong interest in public health. The Communicable Diseases Center in Atlanta was founded July 1, 1946 as the successor to the World War II Malaria Control in War Areas program of the Office of National Defense Malaria Control Activities. Preceding its founding, organizations with global influence in malaria control were the Malaria Commission of the League of Nations and the Rockefeller Foundation. The Rockefeller Foundation greatly supported malaria control, sought to have the governments take over some of its efforts, and collaborated with the agency.

Ironically, the "Communists" whom the John Birch Society was organized to warn against were the very people for whom George Birch worked, i.e., the organized public health organization supported by the Rockefeller Foundations. The second irony is that, though Welch repeatedly called John Birch a "fundamentalist Baptist" (page 41) in his Indianapolis speech (see The Blue Book), his parents reported to the same Presbyterian missionary network in Allahabad, India, for which Allen W. Dulles (who then headed the CIA) worked for a year. It is as though Robert Welch was a propaganda tool operating on behalf of the very elite clique he seemed to be attacking. Using the word "fundamentalist" ten times in his speech, Welch rang an alarm about the diminishing numbers of evangelicals attempting to convert the heathen:

Some have merely watered down the faith of our fathers, and of theirs, into an innocuous philosophy instead of an evangelistic religion. Some have converted Christianity into a so-called "social gospel," that bypasses all questions of dogma with an indifference which is comfortable to both themselves and their parishioners; and which "social gospel" becomes in fact indistinguishable from advocacy of the welfare state by socialist politicians.

But Welch also inserted a very ominous paragraph into his 1958 speech, which we have to look back on, after what happened in November 1963, with amazement:

But on our own side of the fence, among the millions who either are, or pretend to be, non-Communists, the amoral man, who has no slightest inner concern with right or wrong, is one of the greatest causes of our constant retreat, and one of the greatest dangers to our survival. And he doesn't wear any label. He usually lives up to the appearance of excellent morals, because it is expedient for his purposes, and you will usually find him in church on Sunday morning, maybe even a Catholic church. But as a member of the United States Senate, running for the presidency, and smart enough to know the strong Communist support behind-the-scenes which he will have to get in order to have any chance of being nominated in 1960, such an amoral man can do a tremendous amount of ball- carrying on behalf of the Communist aims here in the United States; and he can do an almost equal amount of damage to anti-Communist morale in other parts of the world, by his well-publicized speeches against Chiang Kai-shek or in favor of the Algerian rebels. Or an amoral man, as the head of a great so-called Republic, may have no slightest scruples or concern about its fate or the fate of other nations, in the face of Communist conquest and of the cruel tyranny of their rule. And any similarity of characters in this story to any living persons is not coincidental. [emphasis added]

Welch also quoted the poet Alfred Noyes, a former Princeton professor, calling him a "good friend." Noyes had worked during World War I in the British propaganda office of Ambassador Spring-Rice who worked closely in Washington with the Dulles brothers' uncle Robert Lansing. 

Noyes had a role in falsely convicting a man named Roger Casement (later hanged), who was discredited by use of a forged diary for acts of homosexuality. Noyes in 1957 had himself been castigated by the poet Yeats into admitting his part in the offensive British policy:

In 1957 Alfred Noyes made full amends for his previous harsh judgement when he published The Accusing Ghost; or, Justice for Casement in which he argued that Casement had indeed been the victim of a British Intelligence plot. His conversion, and Yeats' protest in verse, cemented the idea that the diaries were forgeries.

We have to wonder. Were Welch and Noyes working together in propaganda and intelligence operations during WWI? Was the John Birch Society a continuation of the British-American propaganda effort on behalf of the Nationalist Chinese?


Bombs Over Tokyo

Many years after George and Ethel Birch returned from their three years in the mission field in India, their eldest son John, having graduated from Mercer University in Macon, Georgia, had decided to attend a Bible Baptist institute in Fort Worth, Texas to learn to be a missionary to the Chinese people. According to a brief bio of Birch, he was already at his mission four months after Pearl Harbor Day when he took on a more active role in history:

Chuchow location near Formosa

In April 1942, he aided the Doolittle Raiders after they crash-landed in Japanese-controlled areas of China [30 miles north of Chuchow China] by helping them get to friendly territory. Jimmy Doolittle recommended John to Gen. Claire Chennault for service with the Army Air Forces and Chennault awarded Birch a commission on July 4, 1942.

I Could Never Be So Lucky Again: An Autobiography

Chennault used Birch as an intelligence officer and he served with the Military Intelligence Service with Headquarters 14th Air Force when it was activated on March 10, 1943. Capt Birch also worked for the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) during World War II, but managed to continue his missionary work to the Chinese people at the same time. On August 25, 1945, Capt. Birch was murdered by Chinese Communists while traveling to reach Allied personnel in a Japanese prisoner of war camp. He was buried in a cemetery near Hsuchow, China. The John Birch Society was named in his honor on December 9, 1958, and he is considered to be the first casualty of the Cold War.

What Can Be Documented

At the time of the 1940 census, John Birch, age 21, lived as a boarder in a rented house at 915 West First Street in Fort Worth with a fellow student of his same approximate age, Oscar Wells, nephew of Martha Thomson, the widow of J.B. Thomson. Birch reported his birthplace as British India. By the time the 1942 directory was issued, the house was vacant.

Birch address in Fort Worth, 1940 census

Birch's roommate, Oscar Wells came to Fort Worth from an isolated area of the Texas Panhandle, east of Amarillo, near the Oklahoma border and would also serve as a missionary to China. Shortly after leaving Fort Worth, Wells married Myrtle Huizenga under a certificate signed by F. Russell Engdahl of the American Consular Service in Shanghai, China in June 1942. {See Note 3}

The Wellses had a daughter born in Shanghai, later-astronaut Shannon Wells Lucid:

Shannon Lucid was born in Shanghai, China on January 14, 1943. Shortly after her birth Lucid with her parents were interned in a Japanese concentration camp in northern China during the Second World War. The camp was referred to as the Shantung Compound, and the internees were not freed until 1945. A book has been written about the trying conditions in the compound by a University of Chicago theologian Langdon Gilkey [son of Hyde Park Baptist Church pastor and the first dean of the University of Chicago's Rockefeller Chapel]. The title of the book is “Shantung Compound.” Lucid’s parents were Baptist missionaries Oscar and Myrtle Wells.

Fighting in Chuchow, 1927

Norris {See Note 4} had long been a great supporter of the mission work of his friends, Rev. and Mrs. Fred Sheldon Donnelson, who set up the Shanghai Baptist Tabernacle, after the Japanese began attacking the Chinese in this area, the same area which had been the subject of Sun Yat-sen's Boxer Rebellion years earlier.

In 1937, Japan and China were at war. Hangchow [45 miles northeast of Chuchow] was continually under Japanese air attack. When the Japanese infantry landed troops nearby, the Donnelsons fled to Shanghai. They reluctantly left for a trip home and a furlough, but not before becoming burdened for the city of Shanghai. They vowed to return as soon as possible.

When the Donnelsons returned to the United States, they found the independent Baptist landscape had changed. The protest-based Baptist Bible Union had given way to the missionary vision-based World Fundamental Baptist Missionary Fellowship. Churches and preachers were attracted to a system of missionary support that showed signs of organization yet lacking the features of denominational control and bureaucratic inefficiency. ... The pages of J. Frank Norris’s Fundamentalist constantly encouraged readers to send support for the new work to be built when the Donnelsons returned to Shanghai.

They did return in the fall of 1938. In the next three and a half years, they established Shanghai Baptist Tabernacle and a Bible school with dormitories for housing resident students.

Other Fundamentalist World Mission Work

Jerry Falwell

One-time Director of World Missions for the Baptist Bible Fellowship, Rev. Fred Sheldon Donnelson would in 1972 be offered a position by Rev. Jerry Falwell (founder of the "Moral Majority") at Lynchburg Baptist College in Virginia. Falwell knew Donnelson through his son, Paul Frederick Donnelson, pastor of the Park Avenue Baptist Church in Lynchburg, whose preaching "brought him [Falwell] to the altar" in 1952.

This miracle of salvation occurred only three short years after the Donnelson family, after being interned by Japanese soldiers in China, had to leave China for the second and final time in 1949. In 1952 J. Frank Norris, died, and the Baptist institute in Fort Worth which John Birch had attended for a brief time was relocated to Arlington, Texas at the site of a former gambling casino. But that's another story in itself.

[Side note: Investigative journalist Daniel Hopsicker has documented more than one strange connection between Donnelson's "convert," Falwell, and a flight school at Venice, Florida, airport owned by Wallace Hilliard, a school that "trained" alleged Saudi student pilots connected to the 9/11 attack at the World Trade Center.]

From the John Birch Society (JBS) document, The Blue Book, we learn the names of the founding Council of the JBS in 1958. These directors did not include General Jimmy Doolittle, but the list did include Lt. Gen. Charles Bertody Stone III, who came from a military family from Georgia. Stone had earlier been stationed at Wright Field as chief of the supply branch, Air Service Command, and in June 1945 (two months before John Birch was "assassinated" by Red Chinese) was assigned the task of organizing a new headquarters for the Flying Tigers, which was absorbed into the 14th Air Force. He assumed command two months later.

The Saturday Evening Post in 1955 contained this statement:

After the Japanese surrender, Captain Birch headed a mission which proceeded north from Anhwei Province toward Tsingtao, apparently to straighten out some difficulty which Chinese-communist troops had created in the surrender of Japanese units. Because the file on Captain Birch's mission has been classified as secret, there is no way of knowing just what the purpose of the mission was. According to Robert H. W. Welch, Jr., in The Life of John Birch (Regnery), the captain himself felt that "it is of utmost importance that my country learn now whether these people are friend or foe."

When U.S. Secretary of State Dean Acheson ridiculed the idea that the U.S. was losing face in Asia in 1949 as the result of State Department policy toward China, he was taking a slap at Chinese Nationalist lobby in the U.S. One of the lobby's sparkplugs is a New York [textile] importer named Alfred Kohlberg. Operating through the American China Policy Association, Kohlberg is a fount of propaganda for the Nationalist cause, sending masses of material to a list of 2,000 editors. Though Kohlberg is not registered as a Congressional lobbyist, Capitol Hill is flooded with his pro-Nationalist material. In at least one instance the Chinese embassy itself has lobbied against a Presidential appointment. In July 1949 a high embassy official met secretly with a group of ten U.S. Senators to urge the defeat of W. Walton Butterworth as Assistant Secretary of State for the Far East. Nation. 12/24/1949, Vol. 169 Issue 26, p619-620. 2p

The article focuses on China lobbyist Alfred Kohlberg. Kohlberg would indeed be either the very last person or the very first person one would expect to discover trafficking in Communist Chinese merchandise. The U.S. customs authorities apparently saw it the latter way when, in December, 1954, they impounded 30,800 embroidered linen handkerchiefs, worth $90,000, which Kohlberg had imported from Hong Kong. Kohlberg protests they were not made in Communist China but in Hong Kong. Kohlberg will be remembered as the voluble New York propagandist who seven years ago led the China Lobby's attack on the State Department's now-exiled China hands. New Republic. 6/25/56, Vol. 134 Issue 26, p6-6. 1/2p. [emphasis added]

Gen. Claire Chennault with Madame and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek

Birch's death, occurring just days after WWII ended, would be waved like a bloody shirt by the John Birch Society, created  in 1958, as the first American killed in WWIII. But, we are told, the JBS was not affiliated with Norris, who had died in 1952.

~~~~

NOTES:

{Note 1}
 Donald Matheson's son Duncan was a Major in the Inniskilling Dragoons, which we cannot help but notice was the regiment connected to the Hargreaves branch of the Alexander Brown banking family. Sir William Brown's daughter Grace Brown Hargreaves was mother of Thomas Hargreaves, and his daughter Annie in 1877 married Frederick Eustace Arbuthnott Wollaston, whose father was a Major in the Irish Jacobite 6th Inniskilling Dragoons. An uncle, William Wollaston, was in the 47th Bengal Native Infantry, the army assigned to the East India Company in northern India, an area that has once been more Muslim than Hindu. Another relative was Arthur Naylor Wollaston, author of several books about Islam, who was in the India Office's Revenue Department.

{Note 2} 
Obituary, THE NEW YORK TIMES, June 12, 1958:  Dr. Higginbottom came to the United States in his youth. He attended Amherst College and received an M.A. at Princeton University. He began service in Allahabad in 1903 as an economics teacher at the Christian College and soon began his campaign to improve the living standard of the Indian country folk, or, as he put it, "to save men's souls by saving their bodies first".

In 1909 Dr. Higginbottom returned to this country to study scientific farming at Ohio State University. He received a B.Sc. degree in agriculture there in 1911 and raised $30,000 from church groups to develop his farm school plans.

Indian princes and British Indian officials repeatedly visited the Higginbottom establishment to study his methods and invite him to lecture before representative bodies. Princeton University, in 1923, awarded a Doctorate of Philanthropy to him, and in 1952 he won the national award of the American Agricultural Editors' Association.

His "The Gospel and the Plow", published by Macmillan's, became an outstanding book in its field. He also wrote "What Does Jesus Expect of His Church?" and "Sam Higginbottom, Farmer".

{Note 3}
Engdahl had married Elizabeth Lockhart in a Catholic ceremony soon after being posted in Shanghai in 1937. A 1941 article identified her as the daughter of Dr. Oliver Cary Lockhart, who had been serving for the past twelve years as "financial advisor to the Chinese government." Dr. Lockhart began a teaching career at Ohio State University in Columbus in 1908 (living in upper Arlington near the more ostentatious Marble Cliff community where Prescott Bush's family lived), where he taught, among other classes, "banking and foreign exchange." By the time WWI rolled around, in addition to teaching, Lockhart also held a position in Manhattan with the Morgan-affiliated National Bank of Commerce as an auditor and eventually moved his family to an apartment across the street from Columbia University.

Dr. Lockhart authored an article that appear in the Feb. 1924 issue of the Quarterly Journal of Economics entitled "The Denominations of the Currency in Relation to the Gold Problem," which begins with the following paragraph:

The monetary gold stock of the United States has more than doubled since July 1, 1914. It is now well above four billion dollars, and is increasing at the rate of twenty-five or thirty millions per month. The greater part of this accumulation is directly or indirectly the outgrowth of the World War. The principal currency problem before the country to-day relates to the influence of this accumulation on total monetary circulation and on the volume of bank credit.

Things would change, however, after the stock market crashed in 1929, and Lockhart would be sent to China as an adviser until 1941. Upon his return he was employed by the Office of Price Administration in Washington, D.C., while his wife, the former Joanna Kenyon Mix, remained at their home in Greens Farms, Connecticut. Their daughter, wife of Consul Russ Engdahl, would be interned in the Japanese camp, where her husband died allegedly from an accidental fall, but Elizabeth, a graduate of Cornell, lived until 1995, working in various consular posts:

'33—Elizabeth Lockhart Engdahl of Mill Valley, CA, formerly of Washington, DC, Dec. 16, 1994; retired head of field operations division of visa office, US State Department; former Foreign Service officer who served in Shanghai, Teheran, Paris, and Vienna; active in professional affairs.

While in Shanghai, Engdahl's boss, also named Lockhart, came from Texas. Consul General Frank Pruit Lockhart was U.S. Consul General in Hankow, 1925-31; Tientsin, 1931-35; Shanghai, 1940-42 . Also interned in the same camp with the Engdahls, he was returned to the U.S. aboard the S.S. Gripsholm in 1942. Intriguingly, we note that the consular post he held would be filled by John Moors Cabot.

{Note 4}
Norris had been waging a battle against Russian communism — since 1935, long before Senator Joe McCarthy joined the bandwagon (see sermon which begins at page 201 of the file; also Turley, p. 292). Here is an excerpt from that sermon, quoting from a 1935 resolution of the Northern Baptist Convention held in Colorado Springs:

Now, I am going to make a charge that the Social Action Commission [of the Northern Baptist Convention] and Russian Communism, especially two principal American branches are identical. Let me quote from the report:

We are convinced that the economic system as it has been operated has also created serious obstacles to Christian living. There are multitudes of Christians in high and low positions in our economic and industrial life who desire to express their Christianity in these relations but who find it impossible within the system.

The church has a responsibility to them. It is futile to bring up generations of youth in Christian ideals which they are compelled to discard when they go out to make a living. Christians owe it to themselves and to their fellows to work for an economic order in which Christian motives have freer chance for expression and in which Christian ideals have larger hope of realization.

The possibility of change for the better must be accepted as a fact by the Christian. The economic system has been man-made and it can be changed by men. Changes must begin with the individual and an improved operation of any system rests with the individuals. 'No gain can be achieved by society that is not supported by human wills.'

"In view of these conditions, what may be done by our denomination to effect the changes which are necessary to provide more opportunity and encouragement for men and women to live as Christians in their economic and industrial relations and to secure fundamental justice for all?

"It is clear that the denomination corporately cannot prosecute particular measures for social change. It should, however, have a constant program of education on these matters for its constituency which will enable them to act in accordance with Christian standards in these relations.

"We therefore recommend that such a program be conducted by the denomination through the local churches with the following definite objectives:

"I.  To create social attitudes based on these fundamental considerations.

"II.  A second definite objective of such a program of education should be to keep before our constituency certain basic issues, among them being:

" (l)  Economic security for all. This would involve general education on the need of unemployment, sickness and accident insurance and old age pensions; assembling and distributing the facts relative to specific measures for economic security; making available lists of information sources and agencies; and co-operation with other denominations and agencies for the furtherance of economic security.

" (2) Collective bargaining in industry. This would involve a program of education for a better understanding of the relative positions and problems of employers and employees in bargaining over wages, hours and conditions of work; and further the provision for a social action committee in every church, or in cooperation with other churches, to ascertain and publish the facts in the event of conflict and to encourage the exercise of moral judgment; and finally the support of whichever party in a dispute is in the right by purchasing the products of the industry or by contributions to the needs of the workers of funds, moral encouragement and places of meeting where needed.

" (3) More adequate representation of consumer interest in the determination of economic policies. This would involve the study of how the government may safeguard the consumer and promote his welfare and how consumers themselves may be informed so as to buy for their real needs and best interests instead of being at the mercy of the producer's and seller's advertising.

" (4) Keep open the channels of discussion of controversial economic and industrial issues. This would involve the dissemination of information about anti-sedition legislation designed to prevent the discussion end advocacy of legitimate economic changes and the organization of sentiment and effort for the defeat or repeal of any such laws as infringe upon the constitutional liberties. It would also involve giving moral and financial support to those who have been the victims of discrimination.

"III.  A third definite objective of such an educational program for the denomination should be to inculcate in individuals worthy economic motives and incentives that through them the basis of the economic system may be shifted from that of acquisitiveness to that of service.

 "IV.  A fourth definite objective should be to impress upon our individual members the importance of effecting changes in the economic order by the exercise  of their three-fold citizenship — political, civic and economic.

" (l) By political citizenship support should be given to whatever political party or candidate represents, on the whole, the most favorable disposition and opportunity to effect the desired changes. Since, however, the major political parties have not come to be in any considerable measure parties of clearly avowed and continuously held social principles, political effectiveness through them in the direction of the desired economic changes must involve support of smaller interest and pressure groups whose intelligent and persistent advocacy may lead to the espousing of social principles and programs from time to time by these major parties. Such pressure groups are numerous and range in point of view in our country from the American Liberty League to the League for industrial Democracy".

Now we have the whole thing out. Two of the principal Russian Communistic organizations in this country are "The American Liberty League" and "The League for Industrial Democracy".