Wednesday, October 23, 2019

Saudi Arabia: the Nixon Years


"Politics, as we all know, is a game played by the powerful on a field of irony. 
And irony, just like politics, makes for curious bedmates…" Al Reinert
"Bob and George Go to Washington," Texas Monthly (April 1974).


Long Live the Saudi King 

Abdulaziz ibn Saud (full name Abdulaziz bin Abdul Rahman, or just Ibn Saud for short) had founded the House of Saud in 1932--deposing his half-brother, Muhammad Ibn Talal, the previous king. Once Ibn Saud deposed Ibn Talal, he arranged a marriage between one of his own son's and a daughter of the deposed King. This daughter, Watfa, married Musaed (Musa'id), a son of Ibn Saud, born in 1923 to wife, Jawhara of the Al Sudairi family. Jawhara's sister Haya was another wife of Ibn Saud and the mother of three of his approximately 40 sons by assorted wives. Ten of those sons rose to hold the title of Crown Prince and are pictured below.

Crown Princes of Saudi Arabia (click to enlarge)
Rashidi family, published 1997

Musaed and Watfa had a son, Faisal bin Musaed, born in 1944 before they divorced. Faisal was then sent to live with his mother's family, the Rashidis, of which Muhammad Ibn Talal, who died in exile in 1952, was a member. Meanwhile Faisal's father, Prince Musa'id, remarried, had other children, and did not hold any significant administrative positions--never viewed as a possible successor.

King Faisal bin Abdulariz was shot and killed in March 1975 by an estranged nephew, Prince Faisal bin Musaed bin Abdulaziz. By June 18 the nephew had been convicted and beheaded by Saudi leaders, who were quick to label him "deranged."

The 27-year-old assassin had lived in the United States from 1966 until 1973 while studying political science and obtaining a degree from the University of Colorado at Boulder in 1971. He then moved to UC Berkeley for graduate studies. Called a "radical" by his Saudi countrymen, he had attempted unsuccessfully to convince Saudi Arabia to put an end to Islamic rule.


Nixon's Balancing Act in the Middle East

In August 2018 I published a long-researched piece about the history between the United States and Saudi Arabia called "Within the Netherworld of International Currency Exchange Rates." That research helps to understand the financial crisis that haunted Nixon on a daily basis at the end of his first term and into his re-election.

During Nixon's first term, Secretary of State William P. Rogers had negotiated, and "international oil companies" had signed on, with six of the ten OPEC countries in Tehran on February 14, 1971, to a five-year oil tax and price agreement. The six countries of the Persian Gulf did not include Libya, Algeria, Indonesia or Venezuela. The terms of the agreement gave the six countries (Abu Dhabi, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar) a 30% increase on their price for oil with further increases through 1975.

Just prior to that point in time, Nixon and his cabinet officials were attempting to maintain a balancing act between Iran and Iraq, achieved somewhat with help from the Kurds' resistance in Iraq. According to Foreign Relations, 1969–1972, Volume E–4, Iran and Iraq, in the Office of Historian Summary:
The Nixon administration’s tilt toward Tehran [Iran] led to significant shifts in its policy toward Iran and Iraq in 1972. First, the United States abandoned its sporadic efforts to rein in the Shah’s extravagant military spending. During his May 1972 visit to Tehran, Nixon promised to sell the Shah any American arms (short of atomic weapons) that he desired. Second, at the same meeting, the President conceded the Shah’s point that Iraq, now a close Soviet ally, was a security danger to the Gulf region. To help keep the Ba’athist regime [Iraq] off-balance, the U.S. Government began to support the Iraqi Kurdish rebellion under Mullah Mustafa Barzani in July 1972. Although the Shah had funded Barzani for years, Washington had resisted Kurdish appeals for aid on the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. After the Iraqis signed a treaty with the Soviets in April 1972, however, U.S. officials “particularly in the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)” agreed that the threat from Baghdad warranted U.S. attention.

King Faisal Issues a Threat

Rogers resigned as Secretary of State as of September 3, 1973, and Henry Kissinger replaced him. Only a week after Rogers' departure, King Faisal of Saudi Arabia issued a dire warning to the Nixon administration:
"America's complete support of Zionism against the Arabs makes it extremely difficult for us to continue to supply U.S. petroleum needs and even to maintain friendly relations with America."
Balance in the Middle East could no longer be achieved on a binary scale. With King Faisal, purportedly speaking not only for Saudi Arabia, but for all six OPEC countries bound by the terms of the 1971 Persian Gulf Agreement, the scale was almost impossible to manipulate, especially with Israel re-entering the fray--threatening to boycott U.S. oil companies if the U.S. government conceded to Faisal's additional demand that Israel "return Arab land it had been occupying since 1967."

Nixon had to choose between the demands of two strong allies--Israel or Saudi Arabia--while also keeping the Shah of Iran as a friend. All that had to be done for the Shah was to open the door for him to buy all the weaponry he could wish for.

Roham Alvandi wrote in 2012 that Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (the Shah of Iran):
had normalized Iran’s relations with the Soviet Union and now sought Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf in the wake of Britain’s withdrawal from the region in 1971. Mohammad Reza Shah had seen five American presidents  pass  through  the  White  House;  each  in  turn  had  frustrated  and disappointed him in his ambition to make Iran the region’s leading power. But now, under the Nixon Doctrine, the United States would rely on the shah to maintain stability in the Persian Gulf.

Two Crown Princes Passed Over

Faisal had been the third King of the Saudis following the death of Ibn Saud. After Faisal was assassinated in 1975, as shown in the chart above, the succession followed in an orderly process until Salman became the new King of Saudi Arabia on January 23, 2015 following the death of his half-brother. Note that two crown princes were ahead of him to be king, one of whom was already deceased:
  • Talal bin Abdulaziz (died December 2018) and 
  • Nayef bin Abdulazriz (died June 2012).
Why were Talal bin Abdulaziz (whose son was the well-known and wealthy pro-American  Alwaleed bin Talal) and the sons of Nayef (notably Mohammad bin Nayef) skipped from the line of succession?

Reports leaked out in 2017 (shortly after President Donald Trump's inauguration) that Nayef was removed as a result of a plot organized by the man commonly known today as MbS, Mohammed bin Salman about whom it was said at the time:
The decision to oust Mohammed bin Nayef and some of his closest colleagues has spread concern among counterterrorism officials in the United States who saw their most trusted Saudi contacts disappear and have struggled to build new relationships.
And the collection of so much power by one young royal, Prince Mohammad bin Salman, has unsettled a royal family long guided by consensus and deference to elders.
Jamal Khashoggi
As early as 1989 while "Saudi intelligence ... was coordinating aid to the fighters as part of its cooperation with the CIA against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan," Jamal Khashoggi, who had traveled with the Arab mujahideen in Afghanistan, "criticized Prince Salman, then governor of Riyadh and head of the Saudi committee for support to the Afghan mujahideen, for unwisely funding Salafist extremist groups that were undermining the war." Jamal's rise "was linked with the Faisal clan — Turki and his brother Saud al-Faisal, the longtime Saudi foreign minister. Educated at Georgetown and Princeton, respectively, the Faisal brothers represented the thoughtful, moderate face of the royal family."

As for the Talal branch, James Wynbrandt wrote in 2010:
The attack [on September 11, 2001]  brought long-festering antagonisms between the two nations to the fore. The Saudis were blamed for exporting an intolerant brand of Islam and donating large sums to groups that supported terrorism. The United States was blamed for its unbending support for Israel, which was seen as the root cause of the attacks. Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, son of the founder of the Free Princes movement [formed in 1962 and ended in 1964], came to New York to express his sympathy and offered a $10 million donation for the victims, along with advice for the United States to rethink its Middle East policy. New York mayor Rudolph Giuliani rejected the advice and the $10 million donation, and the episode came to represent the vast gulf that had suddenly opened between the two longtime allies.
Prince Alwaleed bin Talal
Prince Talal and his son, in short, were, according to David Ottaway, "liberals" compared with their countrymen--a term traditionally used to mean those advocating more democratic reforms and limiting autocratic power of leaders. The father had been forced out the cabinet for his suggested reforms in 1961, but in 2007 he was again a member of the Allegiance Council, which was supposed to be consulted when one of the members of the ruling family died before another was admitted in his place. When Prince Nayef ascended as Crown Prince in November 2011 without consulting anyone, Talal resigned from the Council, watching his country became ever more undemocratic until Talal's death two months after Jamal Khashoggi's murder.

In 2015 Jamal had convinced the son of Crown Prince Talal bin Abdulaziz, Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, whom the Washington Post referred to as "a reform-minded Saudi billionaire," to finance a news channel in Bahrain. It was unfortunately removed from the airwaves by Bahrain after only 24 hours for featuring an "interview with a prominent Bahraini Shiite politician who had criticized the regime."

Jamal Khashoggi at Alwaleed's news channel

Two years after Jamal's plan to liberalize the media failed, Prince Alwaleed was arrested "plus at least 10 other princes, four ministers and tens of former ministers," as part of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's plan to consolidate power, and Jamal fled the country.

Greg Olear wrote in Medium, after reports of Jamal's murder began to surface, that "Trump and Kushner both have skin in the game." He continued:
Saudi Arabia was the first state visit Trump made as president, a trip organized and pushed for by Kushner, who is chummy with MbS and has acted as the de facto ambassador to Saudi Arabia. Khashoggi was not banned from Saudi media for his criticisms of MbS, but rather for his criticisms of Donald Trump. More importantly, U.S. intelligence knew of a plan to lure Khashoggi back to arrest him, so the president and the de facto ambassador to Saudi Arabia must have also known. If they knew and did not share the information with Khashoggi, they are liable.
Alwaleed was released in January 2018, ten months before Jamal Khashoggi's murder. When he spoke in an interview with Fox News the following December, he sounded like a defeated man, one who had made a deal with his captors, whom he now insisted were honorable. It was a secret deal, so we may never know the truth.


~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

"Saudi Arabia: Creation of the Petrodollar" has been in draft form for several years, being added to and edited as time permitted. Because of the length and complexity, I have decided to divide it into several parts. The next segment will follow soon.


Monday, October 14, 2019

From Gold and Diamonds to Octopussy

MI6 agent Ian Fleming understood the value of strategic materials to governments. That's why you find them in most of his book titles. At first there was gold, then diamonds. Octopussy was a cutesy term he invented to throw all the valued resources in the pot, along with what Epstein later lived to tell us was one of the most valuable of all. 

This is not an attempt to revise history. Rather it is a new look at my old research in light of what we have learned in retrospect.

Sensing the End of the Gold Standard

Even before meeting Eisenhower, Robert B. Anderson had been selected by President Truman during the closing days of WWII to deal with a national security matter--how to use gold confiscated from war enemies to shore up U.S. gold reserves underlying the Bretton Woods Agreement. Sterling Seagrave wrote in 2008, describing those earlier events:
Stimson’s special assistants on this topic were his deputies John J. McCloy and Robert [A.] Lovett, and consultant Robert B. Anderson, all clever men with outstanding careers in public service and banking. McCloy later became head of the World Bank, Lovett secretary of Defense, Anderson secretary of the Treasury. Their solution was to set up what is informally called the Black Eagle Trust. The idea was first discussed with America’s allies in secret during July 1944, when forty-four nations met at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, to plan the postwar world economy. (This was confirmed, in documents we obtained, by a number of high-level sources, including a CIA officer based in Manila, and former CIA Deputy Director Ray Cline, who knew of Santy’s recoveries in 1945. As recently as the 1990s, Cline continued to be involved in attempts to control Japanese war-gold still in the vaults of Citibank.)

After briefing President Truman and others in Washington, including McCloy, Lovett, and Stimson, Captain [Edward G.] Lansdale returned to Tokyo in November 1945 with Robert B. Anderson. General MacArthur then accompanied Anderson and Lansdale on a covert flight to Manila, where they set out for a tour of the vaults Santy already had opened. In them, we were told, Anderson and MacArthur strolled down "row after row of gold bars stacked two meters tall." From what they saw, it was evident that over a period of 50 years (1895-1945) Japan had looted many billions of dollars in treasure from all over Asia. A far longer period than Germany had to loot Europe. Over five decades, Japan had looted billions of dollars’ worth of gold, platinum, diamonds, and other treasure, from all over East and Southeast Asia. Much of this had reached Japan by sea, or overland from China through Korea. What was seen by Anderson and MacArthur was only some of the gold that had not reached Japan after 1943, when the US submarine blockade of the Home Islands became effective. From this it is obvious that what was looted by Japan on the Asian mainland from 1895-1943 had reached Japan and been tucked away there in what the US Army statement called "undeclared caches of these treasures ... known to exist."

Far from being bankrupted by the war, Japan had been greatly enriched, and -- thanks to Washington’s intervention -- used this treasure to rise like a phoenix from the ashes, while its victims struggled on for decades.

The gold recovered in the Philippines was not put in Fort Knox to benefit American citizens. There has been no audit of Ft. Knox since 1950.

According to Ray Cline and others, between 1945 and 1947 the gold bullion recovered by Santy and Lansdale was discreetly moved by ship to 176 accounts at banks in 42 countries. The gold was trucked to warehouses at the U.S. Navy base in Subic Bay, or the U.S. Air Force base at Clark Field.
Preference went to the U.S. Navy because of the weight of the bullion. Secrecy was vital. If the recovery of a huge mass of stolen gold became known, the market price of gold would plummet, and thousands of people would come forward to claim it, and Washington would be bogged down resolving ownership.

The secrecy surrounding these recoveries was total. Robert Anderson and CIA agent Paul Helliwell traveled all over the planet, setting up these black gold accounts, providing money for political action funds throughout the non-communist world. In 1953, to reward him, President Eisenhower nominated Anderson to a Cabinet post as secretary of the Navy. The following year he rose to deputy secretary of Defense. During the second Eisenhower Administration, he became secretary of the Treasury, serving from 1957 to 1961. After that, Anderson resumed private life, but remained intimately involved with the CIA’s worldwide network of "black banks," set up by Paul Helliwell. Eventually, this led to Anderson being involved in the scandal of BCCI, the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, a Pakistani bank with CIA ties.

Robert B. Anderson and Greenwich

Anderson had resigned from Ike's defense department in 1955 to take a job with Thayer Lindsley of the  Canadian gold mining company called Ventures, Limited. Based in New York, Anderson commuted from his new home at No. 1, Deer Park Court in Greenwich, Connecticut--about a mile and a half from Prescott Bush's residence--as marked on our Greenwich map made for another post at this blog.

During this interim period between government work, Anderson maintained his Texas oil background, accepting a distinguished-service award in the fall of 1956 from Mid-Continent Oil and Gas Association, where the speakers at the meeting talked about the big challenge ahead in the oil industry of finding enough domestic oil to meet the country's demand.

Less than a year after that award, President Eisenhower summoned Anderson  back to Washington (June 1957) to replace George Humphrey as Secretary of Treasury, an appointment Senator Prescott Bush applauded. After Anderson left the Treasury Department, however, rather than going back to Texas, or running for President, as Ike had had wanted him to do, he instead returned to his adopted home in Greenwich, Connecticut. Many years later, when his wife, Ollie Mae, died in May 1987, her address was given as 682 Lake Avenue, still in Greenwich.

Anderson served on the board of the State National Bank of Connecticut during the 1960s as a director alongside G.H. (Herbie) Walker, Jr. and Samuel Pryor. He was also on the 12-man Board of Dresser Industries, alongside Texas governor Allan Shivers, Norman Chandler of the L.A. Times, Lewis MacNaughton (partner of geologist Everett DeGolyer), and Neil Mallon. In 1964, however, Anderson supported his old friend Lyndon Johnson for re-election instead of Bush's favored Goldwater.

Herbie Walker, an uncle of George H. W. "Poppy" Bush, was the man who raised money from investors for his nephew's first oil company in the West Texas oil field in the early 1950's. Uncle Herbie, Dorothy Walker Bush's brother, had risen to the head of the Walker family following the death of Bert Walker in 1953.

G. H. Walker was the first president of W.A. Harriman & Co. in New York appointed by the young Harriman boys when it opened in 1920, long before the investment bank merged with Brown Brothers in 1931.Had the elder Walker chosen his grandson, "Poppy" Bush, to be David K.E. Bruce's protégé? Aviation Corporation (AVCO), where Bruce had been president, was also a creation of W. Averell Harriman. When Bruce then left AVCO in 1929 and returned to the foreign service, it was at the behest of Prescott Bush's partner at Brown Brothers Harriman--W. Averell Harriman. As I have stated before:
It is Prescott’s entry into partnership in the newly created investment bank of Brown Brothers Harriman (BBH), which best explains how his sons and grandsons attained their access to capital. BBH began doing business in 1931, as a result of a merger between the old, well-established Brown Brothers & Co. and W.A. Harriman & Co., a deal put together by Prescott Bush's father-in-law on behalf of the sons of railroad tycoon E.H. Harriman, who had been Prescott's Skull and Bones brothers while they were all at Yale during the years just prior to WWI.

Renaissance and Aeneas--1993

The same year Renaissance Technologies made an investment in a company that modified an invention made for the medical industry for use petroleum exploration it hired Robert Mercer and others from IBM who had long been studying speech recognition and machine translation, "computational linguistics." RenTec partnered with Aeneas Venture Corp., which five years earlier had poured money into Harken Energy, in the purchase in 1993 of Numar, a Pennsylvania corporation which developed medical technology for use in the oil industry (see inset right).

Four years later, Numar would be acquired by Halliburton, whose chief executive, Dick Cheney, handled the deal for the Dallas-based corporation , whose other executives--Anne Armstrong and lawyers at John Connally's Vinson & Elkins--had implemented the terms. Connally and Armstrong had been part of the Nixon administration, with Armstrong and Cheney surviving into Gerald Ford's presidency (1974-76), during the same time Bush 41 was Director of the CIA.

Numar received Halliburton stock valued at $472 million in exchange for its own stock, making the purchase price $360 million. According to Bloomberg:
In September 1997, NUMAR Corporation was acquired by Halliburton Company, through the merger of a subsidiary of Halliburton with and into NUMAR. Previously, NUMAR Corporation was engaged in the design, manufacture, and marketing of a patented, proprietary well logging device, used in medical diagnostic imaging devices, to evaluate subsurface rock formations in newly-drilled oil and gas wells.
Three years after the Halliburton deal, Cheney was elected vice president under George W. Bush (43), who had been the primary beneficiary of the Aeneas Venture Corporation's 1988 Harken transaction.

George W. Bush was a director of Harken with Alan Quasha, Mikel Faulkner, and Michael Eisenson before 1993.

Though Renaissance Technologies had not been involved in the 1988 Bush transaction, there were certain aspects surrounding an investment Simons' former company, Monemetrics, had made years earlier that rang a reminiscent bell. Knowing that Harvard-educated Alan G. Quasha had purchased Harken stock for Quadrant Capital Corp. by using entities in Tortola, British Virgin Islands, held in trust by his mother, Phyllis Grant Quasha, an Australian citizen, I began to wonder whether Ivory Limited, set up in the British Virgin Islands, a limited investor in a 1981 partnership between Simons' Monemetrics Corp. and Doral Industries (headed by Norman Melnick). It appeared that Melnick wanted to buy the Magic Marker trademark, a bankruptcy asset of his former employer, and. According to Bloomberg's cache: "He was an early adopter of outsourcing manufacturing to China."

Alan Quasha is said to have created Quadrant Management in 1988, the same year he went to work for Compagnie Financière Richemont SA., but he admitted in an interview that he began doing "restructurings" as early as 1979. Was Doral Industries, Simons' partnership with Norman Melnick, one of those restructurings which brought in capital from his father's law firm?

Did Melnick and Simons obtain the needed capital, by chance, from a client of Alan Quasha's father, attorney William Quasha, who was still practicing law in Manila in 1981? Could the capital infusion from the secret Ivory Ltd. account in the British Virgin Islands have been arranged by Quasha Ancheta Pena & Nolasco, whose website proclaims the firm was "originally founded in 1946 ... as William H. Quasha and Associates." Had Simons crossed paths while he was at Harvard with Alan Quasha? Those are questions for other researchers to answer.

The Quasha Family

Nevertheless, those questions only led us to seek answers to other inquiries, concerning how Renaissance Technologies may have discovered the opportunity to join with Aeneas in 1993. Our first step was to learn more about the Quasha family. The two sons, Alan Grant Quasha and Wayne Quasha, attended the Hill School in Pottstown, Pennsylvania, where Wayne was on the baseball team and was editor of the Hill News student paper in the mid 1960s. Alan played tennis at the Hill School in 1968, and at Harvard he would be on the squash team in 1972. He spent most of the 1970s at Harvard, obtaining an MBA from Harvard Business School while graduating later from Harvard Law School.

In 1976 Alan was working as an associate with the New York law firm of Davis, Polk & Wardwell when he joined New York's Union Club. He did not move back to his father's law firm--then known as Quasha, Asperilla, Zafra, Tavag & Ancheta--with offices in Manila and Bangkok, Thailand. Instead, in 1977 he married Diana Vinade Ronan, a debutante daughter of a powerful businessman with close connections to the Rockefeller family.

Dr. William J. Ronan was chairman of the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey and a "senior adviser to the Rockefeller family." He was former dean of the Graduate School of Public Administration at New York University, having been affiliated with that school since as early as 1939, the year he married Ellen Vinade. He had also been chief executive officer of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority for a time.

Alan Quasha completed an advanced degree in taxation in 1980 at the NYU Law School, where his father-in-law was dean. He was then primed to start his career, while getting one more advanced law degree from Harvard. That was the year Ted Koppel reminded us every night how many days Americans seized by students in Teheran had been held as hostages by Ayatollah Khomeini, while President Jimmy Carter holed up in the White House, refusing to campaign while the hostages were not free. Republicans were hopeful about reclaiming the presidency, and seven of them actively campaigned. After George H. W. Bush's withdrawal in late May, Ronald Reagan named him as his running mate. But still Carter, competing in Democratic primaries against Ted Kennedy and Jerry Brown, did not campaign.

Gasoline prices skyrocketed, and there were long lines at the pumps. Anger was rife, and conspiracies were suspected, especially after the attempted April rescue mission (Operation Eagle Claw) failed.  Wayne Madsen in 2015, analyzing declassified documents, stated the failure of the mission occurred because two Republican candidates were operating two separate spy operations, using "moles within the National Security Council," and passing stolen classified intelligence to Richard H. Allen, William Casey, Ed Meese, or Judge William Clark. Four days before the mission, Miles Copeland, an old Kermit "Kim" Roosevelt CIA hand, leaked news of the mission in the Washington Times. Madsen called these leaks of highly classified documents and other acts "high-level treason ... not a mere policy difference," against the United States.


Harken


The Harken founders were account executives for the investment banking firm of White Weld & Co., a brokerage firm destined to merge with G. H. Walker & Co. in 1974, thus removing the Walker name from the securities industry. In April 1978 White, Weld Credit Suisse would be snatched up by Merrill, Lynch, and its name would also disappear from history. Harry L. Mulligan and Phil Kendrick, Jr.--whose names when combined spelled Harken--first set up this company in California in 1973 before relocating to Texas. Phil Jr.'s father was an oilman in Abilene, Texas, and Phil Jr. graduated in 1950 from the University of Texas. After he sold his father's oil company a decade later, he moved to New York to work for White, Weld & Co.,

Reprint of Jack Z. Smith Harken story
Mulligan, born in 1930, was a graduate of the Jesuit Xavier High School and Fordham University in New York. Having grown up in Forest Hills, New York, in 1967 he worked in New Haven, Connecticut, while residing in Woodbridge.

Kendrick and Mulligan formed Harken in Pasadena, California in July 1973 while its founders were still working for White, Weld. At that same time they had set up a number of limited partnerships designated K&M Exploration. The partnerships were drafted at 555 South Flower Street in the office of Latham & Watkins, the law firm which represented the Richfield Oil Company in Los Angeles, which had its headquarters in the same building.

White, Weld & Co., which handled securities matters for Richfield, was then in the process of absorbing G.H. Walker & Co., removing the latter's name from its letterhead in November 1974, when the merger with the investment bank founded by Bush 41's grandfather was concluded.

Uncle Herbie
Nevertheless, G. H. Walker, Jr. (Bush's Uncle Herbie) became a director following that merger, while his son, Bush's first cousin, G.H. Walker III (called Bert, like his grandfather), was named senior vice president, director for the new securities firm. That position lasted only until the end of 1975, when Bert left the merged firm to work for Stifel, Nicholaus & Co. Bert Walker Sr. had died in 1956, followed by Herbie Walker in 1977.

At first Kendrick worked from his home in Pasadena, while his partner Harry Mulligan, Jr. worked in New Haven. They moved to Abilene a year later, from which they operated Harken for five years, drilling more than 300 wells, primarily in Texas and Oklahoma. Kendrick spent those years watching Australia, he told David Armstrong, in the hope he could find an opportunity to explore for oil there.

It was a year of upheaval on many fronts--especially political and financial. In 1973 George Bush 41 was at the Republican National Committee, CREEP having completed its mission of reelecting Nixon. Bush held Richard Nixon's nervous hand, finally telling Nixon when it was time to resign, and likely arranged for the pardon by President Gerald Ford in order to ensure that Nixon would keep quiet about the Watergate burglary and the "plumbers." 1974 was the same year Henrik Kruger wrote that the "heroin coup" was complete. And it was also the year most of the large investment banks (partnerships with accountability) began to consolidate their portfolios and go public, thus removing themselves from responsibility for their bad decisions.

Robert Mercer's Black-box, Computer-Driven Algorithms

1986 the Chicago Tribune published a story which indicated that IBM was a decade away from technology that would allow one computer to talk to another. Robert Mercer, manager of the IBM Thomas J. Watson Center in Yorktown Heights, New York's real time speech recognition department, was quoted.



A West Texan by birth, I myself have driven through Abilene dozens of times in my life. It is a dusty Texas city lying at the point of intersection between two lines:
  1.  one line between Lubbock and Waco and 
  2.  a second between Midland and Fort Worth.

Between that hub and the perimeter, formed by connecting the outer cities that compose the X, lies little but mesquite trees and an occasional tumbleweed. Mikel Faulkner, while attending the sectarian Church of Christ college (Abilene Christian College), had met and become engaged in 1970 to a Midland, Texas, girl named Sandra Potter, daughter of Wayne Potter, as announced in his hometown newspaper in Louisville, Kentucky. 

Whether members of the Potter family had ever crossed paths with the Bush family in Midland is not known, although we do know that Faulkner would likely have been working on his MBA at Harvard at about the same time as George W. Bush, who received his degree in 1975, seven years after his Yale undergraduate degree was awarded. 

However, at the time Dubya purchased his Texas Rangers baseball team stock in the fall of 1989, he was not only acting as an energy consultant for Harken, but he was its largest shareholder. The baseball syndicate buyers also included Richard E. Rainwater of Fort Worth and William O. DeWitt Jr. of Cincinnati. Rainwater, named as a partner with Bass Enterprises and Sid Bass in television station KFDA as early as 1976, had handled Bass brothers' stock portfolio while he was at Goldman Sachs, and was still advising the Basses until 1986. The Bass brothers' mother was the late Sid Richardson's sister and only legal heir. 

It was therefore likely that Bush brought in Alan Quasha to buy into Harken in 1981-82. Mikel Dean Faulkner had been a 1971 magna cum laude graduate of Abilene Christian College in Harken-founder Kendrick's hometown, had studied mathematics there before serving in the Navy's nuclear power program which trained officers to operate nuclear submarines. Either Kendrick or someone else recruited him in 1981 to become Harken's president to run the company which was then in the process of being sold to some individuals Kendrick had met while drilling for oil in Australia.

Mikel Faulkner decided to leave his job as accountant for American Quasar Petroleum Co. to work for Harken. American Quasar Petroleum was originally incorporated in Florida and was leasing land from the Miccosukee Tribe for exploration in 1981 with San Antonio, Texas, based Tesoro Petroleum. Tesoro was founded by Robert Van Osdell West, Jr., who had a Ph.D. from the University of Texas when first employed as a petroleum engineer in Midland in 1949 by Tom Slick of San Antonio. West worked for Slick's companies until his death in October 1962, at which time he bought TexStar Corporation, renaming it Tesoro, from which he retired in 1992. He died in 2006.

After creating Tesoro, West had grown rapidly and by November 1973 was negotiating with an "unnamed Arab potentate" to drill on Arab soil. In those eleven years he had already moved his drilling equipment into Alaska, Trinidad and Indonesia. By the next year, he was giving speeches against U.S. government policy under President Gerald Ford.

Under Faulkner's helm a few years later Harken bought a corporation founded by another accountant from Abilene, G. Randy Nicholson, a trustee of Faulkner's alma mater Abilene Christian College since 1981. Nicholson had created E-Z Serve gas stations and convenience stores based upon a technology he invented for gas pumps installed with credit card readers which transmitted information to a computer database, thus avoiding the need for human interaction. Harken soon increased its revenue by 9600%! In 1990 Donald M. Smith exclaimed [in the National Petroleum News (Jan 1990 v82 n1), p42] that Harken's:

financial growth has been nothing short of spectacular--from a few million dollars in annual sales in 1986 to gross revenues expected to be in the $1-billion range this year.

One sign of Harken's growing eminence occurred on August 30 when the company's stock began trading on the New York Stock Exchange under the symbol HEC.... Overall, the company's financial performance has been startling. In 1986, Harken Oil & Gas, Inc. (the name was changed to Harken Energy Corp. on Jan. 1, 1989 to reflect its broader industry profile) had total revenues of only $4.4-million. In 1987, following the acquisition of E-Z Serve in December 1986, the company's revenues jumped an astonishing 9,600% to $421-million....


As described in the company's own financial pronouncements, Harken "acquires, restructures and manages energy assets for itself, other energy companies and financial institutions." As such, the company's growth strategy differs somewhat from many other oil companies in that the principal building blocks of its growth, so far at least, have been through acquisitions and not based on internal expansion.

Also rather unique among the larger Sunbelt-based independents is the fact that Harken's top two officers, Mikel D. Faulkner, president and CEO, and Alan G. Quasha, chairman, have financial and legal rather than operational oil company backgrounds. Faulkner, 40, is a certified public accountant with a master's degree in business administration [Though his undergrad degree was in mathematics and physics]. Quasha, also 40, is a New York attorney and specialist in corporate reorganizations....

Faulkner, a Church of Christ deacon known for both his straightforward honesty and shrewdness, joined Harken from Fort Worth-based American Quasar Petroleum (now Wolverine Exploration Co.) where he was controller. Prior to that he was with the Arthur Anderson & Co. accounting firm in Dallas for several years.

Quasha, a partner in the law firm of Quasha, Wessely & Schneider, New York, is also chairman of Frontier Holding Inc. and played a big role in restructuring Denver-based Frontier Oil and Refining Co. several years back [NPN--Jan. '88, p15].

Faulkner signed on at Harken in 1981 and became chief executive in 1982 following a management shakeup. With the company facing bankruptcy, he laid off 90 of its 100 employees, sold 25% of the company's oil field assets for $5-million and then used that sum to negotiate new terms with creditors. In 1982, Harken had a debt load of $20-million; in 1983, it was debt-free....

In all, Harken has scooped up about a dozen companies since 1983, acquiring both petroleum marketing firms and oil and gas properties and boosting its $20-million 1983 asset base fourteen-fold by midyear 1989....
Another acquisition, that of Spectrum 7 Energy Corp. in 1986, brought George W. Bush Jr., the president's son, on board as a director....

Donald Smith's analysis in 1990 ignored the fact that a total of 30% of Harken Energy stock, valued at $28 million, as Harvard had only recently learned from SEC filings, according to the May 1991 Harvard Crimson, was held by the Harvard endowment.That fact, however, would quickly become a matter of concern since there was an apparent conflict of interest because two managers of Harvard-affiliated entity Aeneas also had personal investments in Harken--10,000 shares each held by Michael R. Eisenson and Donald D. Beane. The Crimson repeatedly reported its concern, while Harvard itself denied that the investment was improper.

SEC documents which revealed the conflict of interest were not filed until eight months after George W. Bush (later President Bush 43) sold 66% of his Harken stock for $848,560. That was the source of the money with which he repaid loans created when he bought his share of the Texas Rangers baseball team. He had sold just in the nick of time, only "two months before the corporation announced a $23 million loss," as the Crimson reported in 2002. Harvard had come under a great deal of scrutiny before that 2002 report because of research that Catherine Austin Fitts was doing following the collapse of Enron in 2001, which occurred only one month after the 9/11 debacle. Working with Fitts, I had written up research that appeared in 2002 called "Follow the Yellow Brick Road: From Harvard to Enron" to assist her in determining who had caused her own company, Hamilton Securities Group, to tank in 1996.

Although most of our research turned on Pug Winokur's career, Mike Eisenson was also of interest because he was one of two men who told Fitts in 1990 that 20% of the equity in Hamilton, a company initially founded to give contract advice to Pug Winokur's company, NHP, Inc. (formerly National Housing Partnership), in which Harvard also had a large investment, would be owned by NHP. Fitts, feeling extortion was at play, refused to agree to the kickback scheme and was consequently advised by Eisenson that the verbal contract she had made with Winokur would be abrogated. Fitts, however, believing Hamilton could still offer a valuable service without NHP's consulting contract, proceeded to set up her company without Harvard's participation.

Two years prior to this discussion, Winokur had been at DynCorp, but in 1995 joined the board of Harvard Management Corporation, the board which oversaw Harvard's overall endowment. In the late summer of 1995 NHP completed its IPO, repaying loans to venture capital entities affiliated with Harvard, such as Demeter and Capricorn.

My main contribution to Fitts' project was in offering an historical perspective concerning what I knew about Harvard's original founding and the investments made by earlier capitalists whose fortunes had been made in "the China trade," or what I felt was a euphemism for the drug trade of the 1840's. That article was posted to the internet by a friend of an acquaintance, and its now-dead links were cited and referred to as a "far more controversial take," by a Harvard Watch group. But the work we did attempting to understand how the money worked did wake people up and gain attention about how incestuous tax-exempt entities really are.

In 1987 American Quasar partnered with Wolverine Exploration in an exchange of warrants, shortly before Wolverine became Harken. Then, in 1988 members of a syndicate investing in Harken Oil and Gas did not mention Quasha by name, nor did it report that a Harvard investment vehicle, Aeneas Venture Corp., owned 22% of Harken. Possibly attempting to throw the public offtrack, Malcolm Berko reported in 1989 that "George Sporos (no relation to 'Sporos' Agnew), a renowned, astute and shrewd money manager," also owned 22% of the stock in Harken. Another large owner was then the Union Bank of Switzerland, whose stock put the aggregate ownership of Aeneas and UBS and Bush at more than 50%. George Soros, also a shrewd and savvy money manager, was accurately identified in a Jack Z. Smith piece in the Fort Worth Star Telegram, not Sporos. So much for Berko's expertise!

In October 1991, the last year of George H.W. Bush's presidential term, Horn & Hardart (which owned the now dormant Automat) was taken over by North American Resources (NAR Group Limited), which included members of the Quasha family and a Swiss financial firm, changing the name to Hanover Direct, a catalog retailing business with headquarters in New Jersey. The Swiss firm was Richemont Finance S.A. ("Richemont"), a Luxembourg company, owning about 49% of Hanover's common stock. Richemont was a wholly owned subsidiary of Compagnie Financiere Richemont, A.G., a Swiss public company engaged in luxury goods, tobacco and other business on behalf of its owner South African citizen Anton Rupert, who died in 2006. His son Johann Peter Rupert also worked in the same companies. The offshore havens were used to hide their South African ownership because of global embargoes against the apartheid government.

NAR Group was also affiliated with Intercontinental Mining & Resources Incorporated, to which it had executed a subordinated $10 million promissory note in 1996. Since Hanover owned both NAR and IMR, the note was surrendered to and cancelled by Hanover. Could that takeover have been their way of paying off Bush's campaign debt and getting a tax deduction at the same time?

By the time of the midterm elections during Bill Clinton's first term (1994) Harken's shareholders were reported to include the following:

  • Renaissance Technologies.
  • Aeneas Venture Partners, an entity affiliated with capital managed by a Harvard University endowment fund. According to a 1994 SEC filing Aeneas was holding 25,000 shares of Common Stock subject to stock options transferred to it by Michael R. Eisenson, a Director of Harken, effective March 1, 1991.
  • Aeneas Venture Partners also held as trustee or nominee another 468,367 shares of Common Stock owned beneficially by the Harvard Master Trust [the pension plan for Harvard University]. Aeneas has no investment or voting power over these shares.
  • Aeneas Venture Partners held another 234,204 shares of Common Stock owned beneficially by the Harvard Yenching Institute. Aeneas has no investment or voting power over these shares.
  • Aeneas Venture Partners 321,679 shares of Common Stock owned beneficially by Phemus Corporation, all of which parties are affiliates of Aeneas.
MRI technology (Numar) developed for oil industry.
Another 1994 investor was Abdullah Taha Bakhsh, a one-time member of the board of Investcorp and director of the Zakat (Tax) Department at the Saudi Ministry of Finance, and whose chief banker was Khalid bin Mahfouz of BCCI. As stated at the last link by Lucy Komisar:
"BCCI was the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, a dirty offshore bank that then-president Ronald Reagan’s Central Intelligence Agency used to run guns to Hussein, finance Osama bin Laden, move money in the illegal Iran-Contra operation and carry out other “agency” black ops. The Bushes also benefited privately; one of the bank’s largest Saudi investors helped bail out George W. Bush’s troubled oil investments."

This was the money that financed the Tea Party's wins with Newt Gingrich heading the list in 1994. They were just gearing up to oppose Clinton in his bid for a second term, but would still be around to go against Al Gore in 2000 by financing Dubya Bush, or Shrub, as Molly Ivins referred to him.

The Midland Reporter-Telegram, Nov 3, 1996 Page 125

Role of George W. Bush 

Russ Baker in his book, Family of Secrets, also explored the provenance of the funds that made their way into Harken. George Walker Bush joined the Harken board in September 1986, the same time Harken purchased Spectrum 7 Energy, a William DeWitt, Jr. and Mercer Reynolds company which merged with Bush's Arbusto Energy two years earlier. Bush had founded Arbusto in 1978.

A letter submitted by Alan G. Quasha to editors of The Nation in 2007 appears to agree with Baker's evaluation that he understood very little. Quasha stated in part about various allegations made in Family of Secrets and and article that appeared in The Nation, called “Hillary’s Mystery Money Men”:

"The insinuations against Harken Energy are false. When I was nonexecutive chairman, Harken’s major shareholders were George Soros, Harvard University and a joint venture I headed; none had ties with “BCCI,” “Saudi frontmen,” “a foreign dictator” or “figures with intelligence ties.” 
Baker and Adam Federman, who authored the Hillary article, vigorously rebutted Quasha's attack on their credibility.


Sometimes it just helps to zoom out a little to see the bigger picture.

"Saudi Arabia: Creation of the Petrodollar" has been in draft form for several years, being added to and edited as time permitted. Please refer to other articles in my  Quixotic Joust blog which are linked above, including the following:

Being the House Player at the Casino.
Who is Robert Mercer Really?
Remembering the Harken Money.



Monday, April 29, 2019

D. Harold Byrd

Researched and written
by Linda Minor

D. Harold Byrd's Convergence with Mac Wallace?

As promised in Part II of "Tale about a Tail," this post will give you more information than you ever wanted to know about the background of D. Harold Byrd. We may return to tracing Tail #N-17888 in a later post. What initially piqued an interest that motivated me to research D. Harold Byrd in greater depth were two facts I discovered about Byrd while researching the history of TUSCO:
  1. Byrd was born in a tiny town called Detroit in Red River County, Texas in 1900, and he graduated from the University of Texas in Austin in 1921, yet the college-degreed geologist had been made to look like a rube with the nickname "Dry Hole."
  2. His first big oil discovery in the Talco Field of northeast Texas led to partnership in a refinery in Mt. Pleasant, Titus County, Texas in 1937 with three other independent oilmen--Captain J.F. Lucey, Ralph Emerson Fair (who bought 5,000 acres near Camp Bullis at Boerne, Texas--developed by his heirs into Fair Oaks Ranch), and Jack Frost.
Towns in northeast Texas where Byrd, Wallace, Rainey and Witt families lived and worked
In addition to being the site for the Talco Refinery, Mt. Pleasant, for those who aren't up on Texas trivia, was once the hometown of LBJ's favorite assassin, Mac Wallace. Just north of Mt. Pleasant is Red River County, where a significant number of lives in Mac's history converged. His father Alvin Wallace had been born in Mt. Pleasant and began his career as a concrete contractor there. He built roads and bridges in partnership with Mac's uncle, Leonard Roy Bowden, a brother of Alvin's sister Nellie.

Nellie Arlene Wallace had married in 1914, and both her husband and brother were farmers in Titus County, before they left for WWI. Upon their return, they formed a road-paving company called Wallace & Bowden to bid on government road and bridge contracts. The asphalt produced by the Talco Refinery would have been a cheap source of road material for their business, although they also were concrete contractors.

In order to expand their business, Wallace and Bowden moved to the city, to an office address at East Grand Avenue near the Mt. Auburn Elementary School. Both the Wallace and Bowden families lived nearby. Mac Wallace was a 1938 graduate of Woodrow Wilson High School in the Mt. Auburn area of Dallas.

He joined the Marine Corps after graduation and on November 3, 1939 was aboard the U.S.S. Holland, a submarine based in San Diego. From there it appears he was shipped to Hawaii. According to Joan Mellen, in 1938 Mac had injured his lumbar spine playing quarterback for Woodrow Wilson High School and required spinal surgery. After joining the Marines, he reinjured his back in a fall on the USS Lexington on June 27, 1940 and was discharged two months later.

He enrolled in the spring semester of 1941 at the University of Texas, where in 1943 he was shown as a member of the student assembly and was elected president of the Students Association in 1944. He was also one of eight men selected to the UT secret society known as the Friars Society, as well as a member of the elite Tejas Club. The Friars had been created in 1911, and until 1949 they never selected more than  four new members per semester. Notables in the Friars, according to their website, included
  • Arno Nowotny, fall 1925
  • Cecil Bernard Smith, spring 1927
  • Allan Shivers, spring 1931*
  • Joe R. Greenhill, spring 1936
  • Jake Pickle, spring 1937
  • John B. Connally, spring 1938 *
  • Dolph Briscoe, Jr., spring 1942*
  • Jack B. Brooks, spring 1943
  • Malcolm (Mac) Wallace, spring 1944
  • Horace Busby, spring 1945 
  • Theodore Strauss, spring 1945
  • Ronnie Dugger, fall 1950
  • Lloyd Hand, spring 1951
  • Barr McClellan, fall 1960
  • Fred Hofheinz, spring 1960
The three men marked with asterisks * would become Texas governors. Greenhill would serve many years on the Texas Supreme Court, while Jake Pickle and Jack B. Brook would serve for many years in the U.S. Congress and be closely associated with LBJ. Notowtny and Smith will be discussed in a later post for their role in organizing the UT Cowboys.
Walt Brown referred to Notwotny in 1998 as "future Dean of Men at the University of Texas and alleged CIA recruiter at UofT."

Ronnie Dugger was in his day a well-known "liberal" journalist who also authored a biography of Johnson. Strauss, brother of Robert S. Strauss, would become a wealthy businessman in Dallas. The name of Horace Busby also appeared in the list. Busby was hired to work for Lyndon Johnson in Washington, D. C.

Joan Mellen writes of Busby's knowledge about Mac Wallace. Holland McCombs, researching LBJ for LIFE magazine, interviewed Wallace and concluded, according to Mellen:
Wallace was assigned to strong-arm businessmen into rewarding Johnson for the small business loans that Johnson had bestowed upon them. Mac Wallace’s role was to facilitate the Faustian bargains low-level Texas contractors and businessmen had made with Lyndon Johnson, to collect payment. For these forays to Texas, Mac Wallace later earned the melodramatic sobriquet of Johnson’s “hatchet man.” The term was first attached to Wallace at the time he was an employee at the Department of Agriculture and seems not to have involved violence. Johnson sent Mac Wallace back to Texas to “arrange to buy or get a piece of” the businesses of those to whom Johnson had awarded the favor of those loans.  [Mellen, Joan. Faustian Bargains: Lyndon Johnson and Mac Wallace in the Robber Baron Culture of Texas (p. 80). Bloomsbury Publishing. Kindle Edition.]
Mac Wallace stands out because of his 1952 conviction for murder with malice. The jury, however, sentenced him to only five years in prison, but suspended that sentence, so that he never served a single day inside. The only defense presented by his attorneys (Polk Shelton and John Cofer, long-time associates of Lyndon Johnson) was in the argument that the prosecution found no motive for the cold-blooded killing. Nevertheless, the lack of any apparent motive could not overcome the fact that a witness had identified Wallace and written down the license plat number of his car, in which a blood-stained shirt was found two hours after the shooting.

Mac Wallace named to Friars June 1944, Daily Texan, UT newspaper
Mac Wallace had led a student protest in 1944 against the dismissal of Dr. Homer P. Rainey, the well-educated Clarksville-born (see map above right) man who had served as the head of FDR's American Youth Commission (1935-39), immediately prior to being selected as president of the University of Texas.  Whether or not Rainey had met Lyndon B. Johnson, when the latter headed the Texas branch of the National Youth Administration, the focus of which was finding jobs for young people, is unknown. The NYA, though not affiliated with Rainey's American Youth Commission within the Education Department, both groups did focus on finding jobs for young people during the post-depression years. Only a few months after the student protests Wallace was chosen as a member of the Friar Society.

Mac Wallace at the University of Texas in 1944
Courtesy of Life
Life magazine captured a memorable photograph of D. Harold Byrd, well-known as a band booster, in 1941 at a University of Texas Longhorn game. Seated directly behind him at the game was the daughter of President Homer Price Rainey (born in Clarksville,TX in 1896), the man against whose firing by the Board of Regents in 1944 because he supported economic professors who "espoused New Deal views." The regents themselves had fired such professors in 1942, and Rainey's protest of the firing resulted in his being dismissed by the Regents in 1944.

By 1944 Mac Wallace's father was a road and bridge builder in a company with his brother-in-law (Wallace & Bowden), bidding on jobs as far away as Johnson City, often in conjunction with Maurice Edward Ruby, a contractor who helped Mac's father pay the bond to get Mac released from jail during his murder trial. Another contractor from the same small town in Hays County who helped pay the bond was John E. Greenhaw, who died in January 1965 of cirrhosis of the liver.


Dr. Homer P. Rainey, 1939
 Rainey's biggest booster on the U.T. Board of Regents was J. R. Parten, a progressive Democrat, who was also very close to Congressman Sam Rayburn. Both men favored the hiring of  Berkeley physicist Dr. E. O. Lawrence as a professor at UT. The loggerhead between Rainey and the Regents began late in 1939 when Houston attorney James A. Elkins warned the Regents that the Legislature would "kick the Regents across the state line if they [University of Texas] dared to squander tax dollars" to build a nuclear cyclotron, an "atom-smashing machine." [quoted by Susan R. Richardson, in "Reds, Race, and Research: Homer P. Rainey and the Grand Texas Tradition of Political Interference, 1939-1944," an essay which appears in a book edited by Roger L. Geiger, Perspectives on the History of Higher Education: 2005 (History of Higher Education Annual) (2005), page 141.]


The Rainey Controversy

From Susan R. Richardson, "Reds, Race and Research," page 144.
What brought on Rainey's downfall as president of the University of Texas was that when W. Lee O'Daniel was re-elected governor, he believed he had been given authority to appoint new regents who opposed the University president. Then, once O'Daniel left the state office to fill a U.S. Senate seat, his lieutenant governor, Coke Stevenson, became governor and continued the process of packing the Board with anti-Rainey men.

New regents voted in a bloc with Lutcher Stark, lumberman from Orange, Texas, to fire pro-New Deal economics professors, as well as to cut the salary of J. Frank Dobie, a Texas history folklore writer with only an M.A. from Columbia University in New York. A "liberal" oilman, Parten opposed these efforts and began spreading rumors about their intent of "fomenting a coup." [See inset, left, from pages 144-5.]

It was the ex-Marine and elected student body president, Mac Wallace, who led the protest against Rainey's firing, which occurred during the fall of 1944, a few months before his selection to the Friar Society.

Joan Mellen wrote of Mac Wallace's activities during the summer of 1945 in New York City, poised to continue his education, but not quite sure what path he would take:
On June 11, 1945, Mac Wallace enrolled at the School of Law at Columbia. Two weeks later, he dropped out “for reasons of ill health.” He had contracted a nasty skin infection that required expensive injections that he could not afford. He never went back. Instead, he registered for the fall semester beginning in September 1945 at the New School for Social Research as a candidate for a master’s degree in economics. He took courses in “money and credit (essentially Keynesian)” and “trade policies and tariff construction.” ... Wallace dropped out of the New School without receiving a degree. At the turn of the new year 1946, he quit his job at the National City Bank to “work on a campaign” and returned to Texas. Homer Rainey was seeking the Democratic Party nomination to be governor of Texas and Wallace would be his Dallas city campaign manager. He would also be the state director of College Students for Rainey. To complete his undergraduate degree, he enrolled in classes at the University of Texas and commuted between Dallas and Austin. [Mellen, Joan. Faustian Bargains: Lyndon Johnson and Mac Wallace in the Robber Baron Culture of Texas (pp. 70-71). Bloomsbury Publishing. Kindle Edition. ]
Information available on the Friars website considerably differs from what Mellen writes in her book, which states:
As a senior, Wallace was now eligible to be elected to the Friar’s Society. The 1946– 47 Friar’s group of eight included not only Wallace, but Horace Busby; Dolph Briscoe Jr., a future governor of Texas; and future congressman Jack B. Brooks. [Mellen, Lyndon Johnson and Mac Wallace... (p. 73).]
If the website is to be believed, Mac was already a Friars member before he went to New York in the summer of 1945, not yet having completed his degree. Not long after returning to Austin, he married:
That summer of 1947 Mac took up with a pretty, sexually adventurous young woman named Mary Andre Dubose Barton. “Andre,” as she preferred to be known, and her sister Ruth had been adopted by Kostromey [sic] Palestrina Barton, a Methodist minister known as “KP,” who taught at the University of Texas, and his wife, Roberta, a former English instructor at UT.



In 1922 R.J. (Ruddell Jones Byrd, sometimes called Leo by his family) and his wife Ada lived at 822 N. Lancaster in Dallas, but before long they had moved farther west to the unincorporated area between Grand Prairie and Irving onto Lone Star Road. His younger brother had been born in Detroit, Texas in



By 1953, D.H. had taken over the company his brother, R.J. had started after apparently selling his interest in Byrd-Frost to his former partner.

Did his growing up in this area have even greater significance, when considering the fact that, after his murder conviction which resulted in a suspended sentence and immediate release, Malcolm Everett (Mac) Wallace was given a security clearance to work for Ling-Temco-Vought's facility in California?

Is it simply a remarkable coincidence that the name of Mac Wallace's younger brother was Harold David Wallace?

Mac's father, Alvin James Wallace, had been born (1896) and reared in Mt. Pleasant, but by 1920 he was married and living in Red River County at Johntown.




By 1944 Texas businessmen, although most were still Democrats since Reconstruction days, were fed up with FDR's New Deal "liberalism." When Rainey ran for governor of Texas in 1946, he was defeated by Beauford Jester and his running mate Allan Shivers. As Richard Bartholomew informed us in his monograph, "Colonel Burris' wife, Barbara J. Burris, is the daughter of Governor Jester." QJ has mentioned the Burris family often and even contains a detailed genealogical study of the family; Burris was also mentioned in my edited remarks from 2014 JFK Assassination Conference. Understanding how he fit into the network of men behind LBJ has never been completely understood. It may be the key to the real perpetrators.


Who Else was Born in Detroit, Texas?

David Harold (D.H.) Byrd's father Edward transplanted his roots to Texas, after growing up in Cape Girardeau, Missouri, following his marriage in 1879 in the tiny town of Blossom Prairie, Texas, the hometown of his chosen bride, Mollie Easley. For those interested in what I call "Byrd's Back Back Story," I will post the research into the family simultaneously with this segment. Otherwise, it becomes much more bulky and confusing than it already is.

Politics is about power. When Edward Byrd married Mollie Easley in 1879, he was initiated into a circle of power that would descend to his youngest son, D. Harold, for, as it happens, Mollie and her younger brother Edwin grew up in eastern Lamar County near John Nance Garner, who, the Texas State Historical Association tell us "was born on November 22, 1868, in a log cabin near Detroit, Texas. He went to school at Bogata and Blossom Prairie. At eighteen he went to Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, where he stayed only one semester, possibly because of ill health. He returned to Clarksville, Texas, read law, and was admitted to the bar in 1890. After an unsuccessful run for the office of city attorney he moved to Uvalde, where he began law practice." He also ran for county judge and in 1895 married Mariette "Ettie" Rheiner, daughter of a Swiss immigrant who had settled in Texas in 1860.
D.H. Byrd's grandfather was R. J. Easley, Garner's "lifetime friend." Photos from FDRlibrary website.
We first begin seeing the name John Nance Garner in newspapers in 1904, a couple of years after his first election to the U.S. Congress. There he garnered favor from the boss of the region, James Babbage Wells, Jr., better known simply as Jim Wells, whose south Texas political machine shepherded Garner's election to Congress. Possibly because of Wells' protection, Garner's district was one of the safest, enabling him to attain the coveted role of Speaker of the House of Representatives.

John Nance Garner (fourth in a series of men with the same name) was born in 1868 in the same town where D. Harold Byrd would be born in 1900. Garner's father (age 17) was listed near Clarksville in Red River County's 1860 census, and his mother, Sallie Guest, was born in Blossom Prairie in 1851. Six of Garner's seven siblings still lived in either Red River or Lamar County when he was, elected Vice President in 1932.

Within six years the pride Garner felt about being on the ticket with Franklin Roosevelt had turned to disgust, and his siblings and friends joined with others who turned against the President and began campaigning to nominate Cactus Jack Garner as the Democrats' standard bearer. They were angry for FDR's selection of Henry A. Wallace as Garner's replacement.

We jump now to what John Nance Garner did during his retirement after 1940.