Wednesday, February 5, 2020

Selecting an Ally from Oil Rich Countries

Breaking Up With the Shah

Middle school friends?
History tells us that America's choice of the most strategic ally in the oil-rich middle east in the twentieth century is not far different from choosing a best friend in middle school. All involved are uncomfortable and confused, and often erupt in jealousy and threats when they lose favor.

In August 2018 I published here a long-researched piece called "Within the Netherworld of International Currency Exchange Rates," which helps us understand the financial crisis that haunted Nixon on a daily basis during his time in office, as threats were hurled at him from trade partners and military allies alike. Another piece, "Saudi Arabia: the Nixon Years," gives a broader overview from an historical perspective.

During Nixon's first term, Secretary of State William P. Rogers had negotiated, and "international oil companies" had agreed with six of the ten OPEC countries in Tehran on February 14, 1971, to a five-year oil tax and price agreement. Those six countries of the Persian Gulf did not include Libya, Algeria, Indonesia or Venezuela. The terms gave the six countries (Abu Dhabi, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar) a 30% increase on their price for oil with other increases through 1975. Just prior to that point in time, Nixon and his cabinet officials tried to maintain a balancing act between Iran and Iraq, but the balance began to tilt to Iran after the agreement was signed.

According to Foreign Relations, 1969–1972, Volume E–4, Iran and Iraq, in the Office of Historian Summary:
The Nixon administration’s tilt toward Tehran led to significant shifts in its policy toward Iran and Iraq in 1972. First, the United States abandoned its sporadic efforts to rein in the Shah’s extravagant military spending. During his May 1972 visit to Tehran, Nixon promised to sell the Shah any American arms (short of atomic weapons) that he desired. Second, at the same meeting, the President conceded the Shah’s point that Iraq, now a close Soviet ally, was a security danger to the Gulf region.

To help keep the Ba’athist regime [Iraq] off-balance, the U.S. Government began to support the Iraqi Kurdish rebellion under Mullah Mustafa Barzani in July 1972. Although the Shah had funded Barzani for years, Washington had resisted Kurdish appeals for aid on the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. After the Iraqis signed a treaty with the Soviets in April 1972, however, U.S. officials “particularly in the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)” agreed that the threat from Baghdad warranted U.S. attention.
Rogers resigned as Secretary of State as of September 3, 1973, about ten months after Nixon fired Richard Helms as Director of the CIA. Henry Kissinger replaced Rogers and, only a week after Rogers' departure, King Faisal of Saudi Arabia issued a dire warning to the Nixon administration:
"America's complete support of Zionism against the Arabs makes it extremely difficult for us to continue to supply U.S. petroleum needs and even to maintain friendly relations with America."
In simplest terms, the oil shortage enforced on Americans was caused by the U.S. trying to pick two "best" friends.

It was apparent that King Faisal was speaking not only for Saudi Arabia, but purportedly for all the OPEC countries (Abu Dhabi, Algeria, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela), which were bound by the terms of the 1971 Persian Gulf Agreement. At the same time, however, a counter-threat came from Israel to boycott U.S. oil companies should the U.S. government demand that Israel return Arab land occupied since 1967. Nixon decided to ignore the warning by Faisal, thus appearing to tilt in favor of Israel and to allow the Shah of Iran to control the balancing scale of Muslims and Christians in the Arab world. Roham Alvandi wrote in 2012 that Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (the Shah of Iran):
had normalized Iran’s relations with the Soviet Union and now sought Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf in the wake of Britain’s withdrawal from the region in 1971. Mohammad Reza Shah had seen five American presidents  pass  through  the  White  House;  each  in  turn  had  frustrated  and disappointed him in his ambition to make Iran the region’s leading power. But now, under the Nixon Doctrine, the United States would rely on the shah to maintain stability in the Persian Gulf.
Kissinger and Nixon therefore ignored Faisal's warning, possibly believing the Saudis could be kept in line by the Shah of Iran, while they put more value on America's relationship with Israel. That decision, which would prove to be a mistake, was taken during the course of Nixon's desperate determination to be reelected in 1972--leading to the Watergate tragedy.

Richard Helms, Director of the CIA, was also caught up in Watergate by refusing to tell the FBI not to investigate Nixon's imbroglio at Watergate for national security reasons. He was fired shortly after the election, in the second week of November 1972. But because he did not tattle about it, he was allowed to become the next Ambassador to Iran. Thomas Powers would later write in Rolling Stone:
Because the CIA put the shah in power, Iran is an important bulwark in the defense of the Persian Gulf oil states, the U.S. embassy in Tehran is huge, demanding the talents of an administrator, and the CIA runs a number of major programs in Iran such as electronic listening posts and the like. It was a congenial job of importance, in other words, and Helms may also have concluded it would not be a bad idea to get out of Washington.

When Powers published his article and book about Helms in 1976, nobody seemed to know that the Iranians, who had always been so important to British oil interests, were even then in the process of being replaced by the Saudis, with whom the Americans were becoming more and more dependent for oil. Helms probably knew that, when he asked to be posted to Iran where as Ambassador he not only continued to work with the Shah's secret police force, SAVAK, but he secretly monitored and mentored his replacements from his post in Iran.

George Bush, too, must have known. He did not directly succeed Helms as CIA Director, but he was not far behind, appointed by Gerald Ford to replace William Colby, who had just revealed  to Democrat Frank Church's Senate Committee a multitude of evils committed by the intelligence agency.

Between the time Bush, as head of the Republican National Committee, had advised Nixon to resign in August 1974, and Colby's resignation from the CIA, Bush had been very busy recruiting young Saudis to set up CIA-sponsored businesses in the United States, to ensure their oil wealth would be invested here rather than abroad.

Training Saudis to Develop Their Oil


 Ever since 1938, when oil was discovered in Saudi Arabia, American men have recognized a need to control the family who owned the wealth that flowed from that oil. Americans were not the first however. The British had discovered oil in Persia (now Iran) in 1908.

The first American-educated Saudis were scholarship students sent by Saudi Aramco shortly after WWII to study petroleum engineering. They often chose Princeton (near the former headquarters of Standard Oil of New Jersey) or the University of Texas. None of the big universities shunned them, however. California, whose big oil companies owned shares in Aramco, also courted princes such as Ali Abdallah Alireza, who attended UC Berkeley in 1945 and completed a master's degree in geology by 1947. President Gerald Ford would welcome Alireza to U.S. as Saudi Ambassador in 1975.


Another Saudi scholar, Ghaith Pharaon, whose father was an important adviser to King Faisal, had received an MBA from Harvard, as well as having studied at Colorado School of Mines (1958-61) and Stanford (1961-63).

Occidental board chairman Armand Hammer, fighting a corporate takeover by Standard Oil of Indiana,  had at first mentioned unnamed Arab interests as having purchased a million shares of Occidental Petroleum, identifying the individual investors by name in late December that year, the first time Pharaon's name saw print, only a few months after President Nixon's resignation.

In 1975 Pharaon achieved even more recognition when he acquired shares in Detroit's Bank of the Commonwealth -- 80% of the Barnes family's controlling stock in that bank, which resulted in his owning 42.4% of the preferred shares and 31.2% of the common, according to AP reporting.

On May 7, 1975 President Ford signed E.O. 11858 entitled "Foreign investment in the United States," which created the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS). Only then did  George H. W. Bush officially relinquish his position as head of the Republican National Committee, moving into his office at the Central Intelligence Agency.

Deep Politics and John Connally


The most intriguing reporting about the new Arab wealth appeared in Texas Monthly magazine (April 1975), where an unidentified author indicated that Pharaon, as a foreign national who was forbidden to take a seat on the board of directors of the Detroit Bank of the Commonwealth, would be represented on that board by Frank Van Court, an attorney associated with the Houston law firm of Vinson, Elkins, Searls, Connally & Smith--of which John Connally was senior partner.

Cashing in on Saudis' oil weath
Harold Melvin Hyman, in his book, Craftsmanship and Character: A History of the Vinson & Elkins Law Firm, identified Van Court as one of Connally's close associates (pp.357, 378).

Frank Van Court had been born in San Angelo, Texas, but grew up on a ranch just outside of Crane, Texas. He earned a  place at Rice University, studying economics, before obtaining his law degree at the University of Texas in 1968. Within less than ten years, he left former Governor John Connally's Houston law firm to work for only one client--Saudi Arabia's wealthiest businessman in the United States, Ghaith Pharaon. In 1978 Van Court represented Pharaon in his investment in Dallas' Plaza of the Americas.

Khalid bin Mahfouz
Texas Monthly writer Robert Barnstone reported two and a half years later, in November 1977, that John Connally, former Secretary of Treasury for Nixon (Feb. 1971-June 1972) was entering into a partnership with Saudi businessmen Ghaith Pharaon and Khalid bin Mahfouz, to buy a Houston bank--Main Bank of Houston--along with Frederick Erck of Alice, Texas. Since 1973 Erck had also been Connally's partner in the First City National Bank of Floresville. Main Bank would be mentioned again in 1991when evidence surfaced linking that bank to the Bank for Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) scandal.

Fred Erck was married to Ann McGill Erck and managed his wife's ownership of a one-third interest in La Paloma Ranch, —22,000 acres of land in Kenedy and Kleberg counties (King Ranch country), together with  a 1/3rd of 1/8th non-participating royalty interest in the cotenants' share. Bankruptcy by the McGills in 1990 put the property into the hands of Lee M. Bass, one of the notorious heirs of the Sid Richardson fortune.

The Ercks--in Texas' heyday of oil production--saw more oil and gas income than they knew what to do with, but by 1973 Texas crude production had been supplanted by Saudi Arabia. In September 1973 Fred Erck, then a 33-year-old rancher, expanded his banking portfolio by buying control of the First City National Bank of Floresville with former Texas governor, John B. Connally. A life-long Democrat, Connally had first been appointed Secretary of the Navy and later picked to head the Treasury Department during Nixon's first term, following in the footsteps of his mentor, Robert Bernerd Anderson.

Connally had launched Democrats for Nixon in August 1972, just weeks after burglars were busted in the Watergate offices of the Democratic National Committee. Fortunately for Connally, the burglary, though detected, did not prevent Nixon's re-election. The Texas Democrat, as Secretary of the Treasury, became the man who implemented Nixon's decision to end the Bretton Woods Agreement, originally negotiated by FDR's administration in 1944:
Nixon directed the suspension of the dollar’s convertibility into gold. He also ordered that an extra 10 percent tariff be levied on all dutiable imports; like the suspension of the dollar’s gold convertibility, this measure was intended to induce the United States’ major trading partners to adjust the value of their currencies upward and the level of their trade barriers downward so as to allow for more imports from the United States....
Group of Ten (G–10) industrialized democracies agreed to a new set of fixed exchange rates centered on a devalued dollar in the December 1971 Smithsonian Agreement. Although characterized by Nixon as “the most significant monetary agreement in the history of the world,” the exchange rates established in the Smithsonian Agreement did not last long. Fifteen months later, in February 1973, speculative market pressure led to a further devaluation of the dollar and another set of exchange parities. Several weeks later, the dollar was yet again subjected to heavy pressure in financial markets; however, this time there would be no attempt to shore up Bretton Woods. In March 1973, the G–10 approved an arrangement wherein six members of the European Community tied their currencies together and jointly floated against the U.S. dollar, a decision that effectively signaled the abandonment of the Bretton Woods fixed exchange rate system in favor of the current system of floating exchange rates.
Actually, only the U.S. Dollar would "float," while the other currencies would be pegged to it under an agreed ratio. The U.S. was given the power to set the price of crude oil in dollars, a power that, according to James Norman, the U.S. would exercise in following years as an economic weapon against "enemy" nations, notably China and the U.S.S.R.

John Connally would be forced out of office by the "milk scandal" and tried in Washington, D. C. in April 1975. His indictment, announced in late July 1974 made headlines only two weeks before Nixon's resignation. Texas Monthly also ran an intriguing piece about Connally's trial for accepting two bribes of $5,000 each to influence an increase in milk price supports from an American association of dairy farmers. Those were the days before anyone dreamed foreign money could corrupt our politics.

The link between these seemingly disparate events is another Texan -- President Eisenhower's favorite--Secretary of Treasury Robert Bernard Anderson--who had long been John Connally's business and financial mentor. Anderson taught Connally that oil and money, unlike oil and water, do in fact mix quite well.



Wednesday, October 23, 2019

Saudi Arabia: the Nixon Years


"Politics, as we all know, is a game played by the powerful on a field of irony. 
And irony, just like politics, makes for curious bedmates…" Al Reinert
"Bob and George Go to Washington," Texas Monthly (April 1974).


Long Live the Saudi King 

Abdulaziz ibn Saud (full name Abdulaziz bin Abdul Rahman, or just Ibn Saud for short) had founded the House of Saud in 1932--deposing his half-brother, Muhammad Ibn Talal, the previous king. Once Ibn Saud deposed Ibn Talal, he arranged a marriage between one of his own son's and a daughter of the deposed King. This daughter, Watfa, married Musaed (Musa'id), a son of Ibn Saud, born in 1923 to wife, Jawhara of the Al Sudairi family. Jawhara's sister Haya was another wife of Ibn Saud and the mother of three of his approximately 40 sons by assorted wives. Ten of those sons rose to hold the title of Crown Prince and are pictured below.

Crown Princes of Saudi Arabia (click to enlarge)
Rashidi family, published 1997

Musaed and Watfa had a son, Faisal bin Musaed, born in 1944 before they divorced. Faisal was then sent to live with his mother's family, the Rashidis, of which Muhammad Ibn Talal, who died in exile in 1952, was a member. Meanwhile Faisal's father, Prince Musa'id, remarried, had other children, and did not hold any significant administrative positions--never viewed as a possible successor.

King Faisal bin Abdulariz was shot and killed in March 1975 by an estranged nephew, Prince Faisal bin Musaed bin Abdulaziz. By June 18 the nephew had been convicted and beheaded by Saudi leaders, who were quick to label him "deranged."

The 27-year-old assassin had lived in the United States from 1966 until 1973 while studying political science and obtaining a degree from the University of Colorado at Boulder in 1971. He then moved to UC Berkeley for graduate studies. Called a "radical" by his Saudi countrymen, he had attempted unsuccessfully to convince Saudi Arabia to put an end to Islamic rule.


Nixon's Balancing Act in the Middle East

In August 2018 I published a long-researched piece about the history between the United States and Saudi Arabia called "Within the Netherworld of International Currency Exchange Rates." That research helps to understand the financial crisis that haunted Nixon on a daily basis at the end of his first term and into his re-election.

During Nixon's first term, Secretary of State William P. Rogers had negotiated, and "international oil companies" had signed on, with six of the ten OPEC countries in Tehran on February 14, 1971, to a five-year oil tax and price agreement. The six countries of the Persian Gulf did not include Libya, Algeria, Indonesia or Venezuela. The terms of the agreement gave the six countries (Abu Dhabi, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar) a 30% increase on their price for oil with further increases through 1975.

Just prior to that point in time, Nixon and his cabinet officials were attempting to maintain a balancing act between Iran and Iraq, achieved somewhat with help from the Kurds' resistance in Iraq. According to Foreign Relations, 1969–1972, Volume E–4, Iran and Iraq, in the Office of Historian Summary:
The Nixon administration’s tilt toward Tehran [Iran] led to significant shifts in its policy toward Iran and Iraq in 1972. First, the United States abandoned its sporadic efforts to rein in the Shah’s extravagant military spending. During his May 1972 visit to Tehran, Nixon promised to sell the Shah any American arms (short of atomic weapons) that he desired. Second, at the same meeting, the President conceded the Shah’s point that Iraq, now a close Soviet ally, was a security danger to the Gulf region. To help keep the Ba’athist regime [Iraq] off-balance, the U.S. Government began to support the Iraqi Kurdish rebellion under Mullah Mustafa Barzani in July 1972. Although the Shah had funded Barzani for years, Washington had resisted Kurdish appeals for aid on the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. After the Iraqis signed a treaty with the Soviets in April 1972, however, U.S. officials “particularly in the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)” agreed that the threat from Baghdad warranted U.S. attention.

King Faisal Issues a Threat

Rogers resigned as Secretary of State as of September 3, 1973, and Henry Kissinger replaced him. Only a week after Rogers' departure, King Faisal of Saudi Arabia issued a dire warning to the Nixon administration:
"America's complete support of Zionism against the Arabs makes it extremely difficult for us to continue to supply U.S. petroleum needs and even to maintain friendly relations with America."
Balance in the Middle East could no longer be achieved on a binary scale. With King Faisal, purportedly speaking not only for Saudi Arabia, but for all six OPEC countries bound by the terms of the 1971 Persian Gulf Agreement, the scale was almost impossible to manipulate, especially with Israel re-entering the fray--threatening to boycott U.S. oil companies if the U.S. government conceded to Faisal's additional demand that Israel "return Arab land it had been occupying since 1967."

Nixon had to choose between the demands of two strong allies--Israel or Saudi Arabia--while also keeping the Shah of Iran as a friend. All that had to be done for the Shah was to open the door for him to buy all the weaponry he could wish for.

Roham Alvandi wrote in 2012 that Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (the Shah of Iran):
had normalized Iran’s relations with the Soviet Union and now sought Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf in the wake of Britain’s withdrawal from the region in 1971. Mohammad Reza Shah had seen five American presidents  pass  through  the  White  House;  each  in  turn  had  frustrated  and disappointed him in his ambition to make Iran the region’s leading power. But now, under the Nixon Doctrine, the United States would rely on the shah to maintain stability in the Persian Gulf.

Two Crown Princes Passed Over

Faisal had been the third King of the Saudis following the death of Ibn Saud. After Faisal was assassinated in 1975, as shown in the chart above, the succession followed in an orderly process until Salman became the new King of Saudi Arabia on January 23, 2015 following the death of his half-brother. Note that two crown princes were ahead of him to be king, one of whom was already deceased:
  • Talal bin Abdulaziz (died December 2018) and 
  • Nayef bin Abdulazriz (died June 2012).
Why were Talal bin Abdulaziz (whose son was the well-known and wealthy pro-American  Alwaleed bin Talal) and the sons of Nayef (notably Mohammad bin Nayef) skipped from the line of succession?

Reports leaked out in 2017 (shortly after President Donald Trump's inauguration) that Nayef was removed as a result of a plot organized by the man commonly known today as MbS, Mohammed bin Salman about whom it was said at the time:
The decision to oust Mohammed bin Nayef and some of his closest colleagues has spread concern among counterterrorism officials in the United States who saw their most trusted Saudi contacts disappear and have struggled to build new relationships.
And the collection of so much power by one young royal, Prince Mohammad bin Salman, has unsettled a royal family long guided by consensus and deference to elders.
Jamal Khashoggi
As early as 1989 while "Saudi intelligence ... was coordinating aid to the fighters as part of its cooperation with the CIA against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan," Jamal Khashoggi, who had traveled with the Arab mujahideen in Afghanistan, "criticized Prince Salman, then governor of Riyadh and head of the Saudi committee for support to the Afghan mujahideen, for unwisely funding Salafist extremist groups that were undermining the war." Jamal's rise "was linked with the Faisal clan — Turki and his brother Saud al-Faisal, the longtime Saudi foreign minister. Educated at Georgetown and Princeton, respectively, the Faisal brothers represented the thoughtful, moderate face of the royal family."

As for the Talal branch, James Wynbrandt wrote in 2010:
The attack [on September 11, 2001]  brought long-festering antagonisms between the two nations to the fore. The Saudis were blamed for exporting an intolerant brand of Islam and donating large sums to groups that supported terrorism. The United States was blamed for its unbending support for Israel, which was seen as the root cause of the attacks. Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, son of the founder of the Free Princes movement [formed in 1962 and ended in 1964], came to New York to express his sympathy and offered a $10 million donation for the victims, along with advice for the United States to rethink its Middle East policy. New York mayor Rudolph Giuliani rejected the advice and the $10 million donation, and the episode came to represent the vast gulf that had suddenly opened between the two longtime allies.
Prince Alwaleed bin Talal
Prince Talal and his son, in short, were, according to David Ottaway, "liberals" compared with their countrymen--a term traditionally used to mean those advocating more democratic reforms and limiting autocratic power of leaders. The father had been forced out the cabinet for his suggested reforms in 1961, but in 2007 he was again a member of the Allegiance Council, which was supposed to be consulted when one of the members of the ruling family died before another was admitted in his place. When Prince Nayef ascended as Crown Prince in November 2011 without consulting anyone, Talal resigned from the Council, watching his country became ever more undemocratic until Talal's death two months after Jamal Khashoggi's murder.

In 2015 Jamal had convinced the son of Crown Prince Talal bin Abdulaziz, Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, whom the Washington Post referred to as "a reform-minded Saudi billionaire," to finance a news channel in Bahrain. It was unfortunately removed from the airwaves by Bahrain after only 24 hours for featuring an "interview with a prominent Bahraini Shiite politician who had criticized the regime."

Jamal Khashoggi at Alwaleed's news channel

Two years after Jamal's plan to liberalize the media failed, Prince Alwaleed was arrested "plus at least 10 other princes, four ministers and tens of former ministers," as part of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's plan to consolidate power, and Jamal fled the country.

Greg Olear wrote in Medium, after reports of Jamal's murder began to surface, that "Trump and Kushner both have skin in the game." He continued:
Saudi Arabia was the first state visit Trump made as president, a trip organized and pushed for by Kushner, who is chummy with MbS and has acted as the de facto ambassador to Saudi Arabia. Khashoggi was not banned from Saudi media for his criticisms of MbS, but rather for his criticisms of Donald Trump. More importantly, U.S. intelligence knew of a plan to lure Khashoggi back to arrest him, so the president and the de facto ambassador to Saudi Arabia must have also known. If they knew and did not share the information with Khashoggi, they are liable.
Alwaleed was released in January 2018, ten months before Jamal Khashoggi's murder. When he spoke in an interview with Fox News the following December, he sounded like a defeated man, one who had made a deal with his captors, whom he now insisted were honorable. It was a secret deal, so we may never know the truth.


~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

"Saudi Arabia: Creation of the Petrodollar" has been in draft form for several years, being added to and edited as time permitted. Because of the length and complexity, I have decided to divide it into several parts. The next segment will follow soon.


Monday, October 14, 2019

From Gold and Diamonds to Octopussy

MI6 agent Ian Fleming understood the value of strategic materials to governments. That's why you find them in most of his book titles. At first there was gold, then diamonds. Octopussy was a cutesy term he invented to throw all the valued resources in the pot, along with what Epstein later lived to tell us was one of the most valuable of all. 

This is not an attempt to revise history. Rather it is a new look at my old research in light of what we have learned in retrospect.

Sensing the End of the Gold Standard

Even before meeting Eisenhower, Robert B. Anderson had been selected by President Truman during the closing days of WWII to deal with a national security matter--how to use gold confiscated from war enemies to shore up U.S. gold reserves underlying the Bretton Woods Agreement. Sterling Seagrave wrote in 2008, describing those earlier events:
Stimson’s special assistants on this topic were his deputies John J. McCloy and Robert [A.] Lovett, and consultant Robert B. Anderson, all clever men with outstanding careers in public service and banking. McCloy later became head of the World Bank, Lovett secretary of Defense, Anderson secretary of the Treasury. Their solution was to set up what is informally called the Black Eagle Trust. The idea was first discussed with America’s allies in secret during July 1944, when forty-four nations met at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, to plan the postwar world economy. (This was confirmed, in documents we obtained, by a number of high-level sources, including a CIA officer based in Manila, and former CIA Deputy Director Ray Cline, who knew of Santy’s recoveries in 1945. As recently as the 1990s, Cline continued to be involved in attempts to control Japanese war-gold still in the vaults of Citibank.)

After briefing President Truman and others in Washington, including McCloy, Lovett, and Stimson, Captain [Edward G.] Lansdale returned to Tokyo in November 1945 with Robert B. Anderson. General MacArthur then accompanied Anderson and Lansdale on a covert flight to Manila, where they set out for a tour of the vaults Santy already had opened. In them, we were told, Anderson and MacArthur strolled down "row after row of gold bars stacked two meters tall." From what they saw, it was evident that over a period of 50 years (1895-1945) Japan had looted many billions of dollars in treasure from all over Asia. A far longer period than Germany had to loot Europe. Over five decades, Japan had looted billions of dollars’ worth of gold, platinum, diamonds, and other treasure, from all over East and Southeast Asia. Much of this had reached Japan by sea, or overland from China through Korea. What was seen by Anderson and MacArthur was only some of the gold that had not reached Japan after 1943, when the US submarine blockade of the Home Islands became effective. From this it is obvious that what was looted by Japan on the Asian mainland from 1895-1943 had reached Japan and been tucked away there in what the US Army statement called "undeclared caches of these treasures ... known to exist."

Far from being bankrupted by the war, Japan had been greatly enriched, and -- thanks to Washington’s intervention -- used this treasure to rise like a phoenix from the ashes, while its victims struggled on for decades.

The gold recovered in the Philippines was not put in Fort Knox to benefit American citizens. There has been no audit of Ft. Knox since 1950.

According to Ray Cline and others, between 1945 and 1947 the gold bullion recovered by Santy and Lansdale was discreetly moved by ship to 176 accounts at banks in 42 countries. The gold was trucked to warehouses at the U.S. Navy base in Subic Bay, or the U.S. Air Force base at Clark Field.
Preference went to the U.S. Navy because of the weight of the bullion. Secrecy was vital. If the recovery of a huge mass of stolen gold became known, the market price of gold would plummet, and thousands of people would come forward to claim it, and Washington would be bogged down resolving ownership.

The secrecy surrounding these recoveries was total. Robert Anderson and CIA agent Paul Helliwell traveled all over the planet, setting up these black gold accounts, providing money for political action funds throughout the non-communist world. In 1953, to reward him, President Eisenhower nominated Anderson to a Cabinet post as secretary of the Navy. The following year he rose to deputy secretary of Defense. During the second Eisenhower Administration, he became secretary of the Treasury, serving from 1957 to 1961. After that, Anderson resumed private life, but remained intimately involved with the CIA’s worldwide network of "black banks," set up by Paul Helliwell. Eventually, this led to Anderson being involved in the scandal of BCCI, the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, a Pakistani bank with CIA ties.

Robert B. Anderson and Greenwich

Anderson had resigned from Ike's defense department in 1955 to take a job with Thayer Lindsley of the  Canadian gold mining company called Ventures, Limited. Based in New York, Anderson commuted from his new home at No. 1, Deer Park Court in Greenwich, Connecticut--about a mile and a half from Prescott Bush's residence--as marked on our Greenwich map made for another post at this blog.

During this interim period between government work, Anderson maintained his Texas oil background, accepting a distinguished-service award in the fall of 1956 from Mid-Continent Oil and Gas Association, where the speakers at the meeting talked about the big challenge ahead in the oil industry of finding enough domestic oil to meet the country's demand.

Less than a year after that award, President Eisenhower summoned Anderson  back to Washington (June 1957) to replace George Humphrey as Secretary of Treasury, an appointment Senator Prescott Bush applauded. After Anderson left the Treasury Department, however, rather than going back to Texas, or running for President, as Ike had had wanted him to do, he instead returned to his adopted home in Greenwich, Connecticut. Many years later, when his wife, Ollie Mae, died in May 1987, her address was given as 682 Lake Avenue, still in Greenwich.

Anderson served on the board of the State National Bank of Connecticut during the 1960s as a director alongside G.H. (Herbie) Walker, Jr. and Samuel Pryor. He was also on the 12-man Board of Dresser Industries, alongside Texas governor Allan Shivers, Norman Chandler of the L.A. Times, Lewis MacNaughton (partner of geologist Everett DeGolyer), and Neil Mallon. In 1964, however, Anderson supported his old friend Lyndon Johnson for re-election instead of Bush's favored Goldwater.

Herbie Walker, an uncle of George H. W. "Poppy" Bush, was the man who raised money from investors for his nephew's first oil company in the West Texas oil field in the early 1950's. Uncle Herbie, Dorothy Walker Bush's brother, had risen to the head of the Walker family following the death of Bert Walker in 1953.

G. H. Walker was the first president of W.A. Harriman & Co. in New York appointed by the young Harriman boys when it opened in 1920, long before the investment bank merged with Brown Brothers in 1931.Had the elder Walker chosen his grandson, "Poppy" Bush, to be David K.E. Bruce's protégé? Aviation Corporation (AVCO), where Bruce had been president, was also a creation of W. Averell Harriman. When Bruce then left AVCO in 1929 and returned to the foreign service, it was at the behest of Prescott Bush's partner at Brown Brothers Harriman--W. Averell Harriman. As I have stated before:
It is Prescott’s entry into partnership in the newly created investment bank of Brown Brothers Harriman (BBH), which best explains how his sons and grandsons attained their access to capital. BBH began doing business in 1931, as a result of a merger between the old, well-established Brown Brothers & Co. and W.A. Harriman & Co., a deal put together by Prescott Bush's father-in-law on behalf of the sons of railroad tycoon E.H. Harriman, who had been Prescott's Skull and Bones brothers while they were all at Yale during the years just prior to WWI.

Renaissance and Aeneas--1993

The same year Renaissance Technologies made an investment in a company that modified an invention made for the medical industry for use petroleum exploration it hired Robert Mercer and others from IBM who had long been studying speech recognition and machine translation, "computational linguistics." RenTec partnered with Aeneas Venture Corp., which five years earlier had poured money into Harken Energy, in the purchase in 1993 of Numar, a Pennsylvania corporation which developed medical technology for use in the oil industry (see inset right).

Four years later, Numar would be acquired by Halliburton, whose chief executive, Dick Cheney, handled the deal for the Dallas-based corporation , whose other executives--Anne Armstrong and lawyers at John Connally's Vinson & Elkins--had implemented the terms. Connally and Armstrong had been part of the Nixon administration, with Armstrong and Cheney surviving into Gerald Ford's presidency (1974-76), during the same time Bush 41 was Director of the CIA.

Numar received Halliburton stock valued at $472 million in exchange for its own stock, making the purchase price $360 million. According to Bloomberg:
In September 1997, NUMAR Corporation was acquired by Halliburton Company, through the merger of a subsidiary of Halliburton with and into NUMAR. Previously, NUMAR Corporation was engaged in the design, manufacture, and marketing of a patented, proprietary well logging device, used in medical diagnostic imaging devices, to evaluate subsurface rock formations in newly-drilled oil and gas wells.
Three years after the Halliburton deal, Cheney was elected vice president under George W. Bush (43), who had been the primary beneficiary of the Aeneas Venture Corporation's 1988 Harken transaction.

George W. Bush was a director of Harken with Alan Quasha, Mikel Faulkner, and Michael Eisenson before 1993.

Though Renaissance Technologies had not been involved in the 1988 Bush transaction, there were certain aspects surrounding an investment Simons' former company, Monemetrics, had made years earlier that rang a reminiscent bell. Knowing that Harvard-educated Alan G. Quasha had purchased Harken stock for Quadrant Capital Corp. by using entities in Tortola, British Virgin Islands, held in trust by his mother, Phyllis Grant Quasha, an Australian citizen, I began to wonder whether Ivory Limited, set up in the British Virgin Islands, a limited investor in a 1981 partnership between Simons' Monemetrics Corp. and Doral Industries (headed by Norman Melnick). It appeared that Melnick wanted to buy the Magic Marker trademark, a bankruptcy asset of his former employer, and. According to Bloomberg's cache: "He was an early adopter of outsourcing manufacturing to China."

Alan Quasha is said to have created Quadrant Management in 1988, the same year he went to work for Compagnie Financière Richemont SA., but he admitted in an interview that he began doing "restructurings" as early as 1979. Was Doral Industries, Simons' partnership with Norman Melnick, one of those restructurings which brought in capital from his father's law firm?

Did Melnick and Simons obtain the needed capital, by chance, from a client of Alan Quasha's father, attorney William Quasha, who was still practicing law in Manila in 1981? Could the capital infusion from the secret Ivory Ltd. account in the British Virgin Islands have been arranged by Quasha Ancheta Pena & Nolasco, whose website proclaims the firm was "originally founded in 1946 ... as William H. Quasha and Associates." Had Simons crossed paths while he was at Harvard with Alan Quasha? Those are questions for other researchers to answer.

The Quasha Family

Nevertheless, those questions only led us to seek answers to other inquiries, concerning how Renaissance Technologies may have discovered the opportunity to join with Aeneas in 1993. Our first step was to learn more about the Quasha family. The two sons, Alan Grant Quasha and Wayne Quasha, attended the Hill School in Pottstown, Pennsylvania, where Wayne was on the baseball team and was editor of the Hill News student paper in the mid 1960s. Alan played tennis at the Hill School in 1968, and at Harvard he would be on the squash team in 1972. He spent most of the 1970s at Harvard, obtaining an MBA from Harvard Business School while graduating later from Harvard Law School.

In 1976 Alan was working as an associate with the New York law firm of Davis, Polk & Wardwell when he joined New York's Union Club. He did not move back to his father's law firm--then known as Quasha, Asperilla, Zafra, Tavag & Ancheta--with offices in Manila and Bangkok, Thailand. Instead, in 1977 he married Diana Vinade Ronan, a debutante daughter of a powerful businessman with close connections to the Rockefeller family.

Dr. William J. Ronan was chairman of the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey and a "senior adviser to the Rockefeller family." He was former dean of the Graduate School of Public Administration at New York University, having been affiliated with that school since as early as 1939, the year he married Ellen Vinade. He had also been chief executive officer of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority for a time.

Alan Quasha completed an advanced degree in taxation in 1980 at the NYU Law School, where his father-in-law was dean. He was then primed to start his career, while getting one more advanced law degree from Harvard. That was the year Ted Koppel reminded us every night how many days Americans seized by students in Teheran had been held as hostages by Ayatollah Khomeini, while President Jimmy Carter holed up in the White House, refusing to campaign while the hostages were not free. Republicans were hopeful about reclaiming the presidency, and seven of them actively campaigned. After George H. W. Bush's withdrawal in late May, Ronald Reagan named him as his running mate. But still Carter, competing in Democratic primaries against Ted Kennedy and Jerry Brown, did not campaign.

Gasoline prices skyrocketed, and there were long lines at the pumps. Anger was rife, and conspiracies were suspected, especially after the attempted April rescue mission (Operation Eagle Claw) failed.  Wayne Madsen in 2015, analyzing declassified documents, stated the failure of the mission occurred because two Republican candidates were operating two separate spy operations, using "moles within the National Security Council," and passing stolen classified intelligence to Richard H. Allen, William Casey, Ed Meese, or Judge William Clark. Four days before the mission, Miles Copeland, an old Kermit "Kim" Roosevelt CIA hand, leaked news of the mission in the Washington Times. Madsen called these leaks of highly classified documents and other acts "high-level treason ... not a mere policy difference," against the United States.


Harken


The Harken founders were account executives for the investment banking firm of White Weld & Co., a brokerage firm destined to merge with G. H. Walker & Co. in 1974, thus removing the Walker name from the securities industry. In April 1978 White, Weld Credit Suisse would be snatched up by Merrill, Lynch, and its name would also disappear from history. Harry L. Mulligan and Phil Kendrick, Jr.--whose names when combined spelled Harken--first set up this company in California in 1973 before relocating to Texas. Phil Jr.'s father was an oilman in Abilene, Texas, and Phil Jr. graduated in 1950 from the University of Texas. After he sold his father's oil company a decade later, he moved to New York to work for White, Weld & Co.,

Reprint of Jack Z. Smith Harken story
Mulligan, born in 1930, was a graduate of the Jesuit Xavier High School and Fordham University in New York. Having grown up in Forest Hills, New York, in 1967 he worked in New Haven, Connecticut, while residing in Woodbridge.

Kendrick and Mulligan formed Harken in Pasadena, California in July 1973 while its founders were still working for White, Weld. At that same time they had set up a number of limited partnerships designated K&M Exploration. The partnerships were drafted at 555 South Flower Street in the office of Latham & Watkins, the law firm which represented the Richfield Oil Company in Los Angeles, which had its headquarters in the same building.

White, Weld & Co., which handled securities matters for Richfield, was then in the process of absorbing G.H. Walker & Co., removing the latter's name from its letterhead in November 1974, when the merger with the investment bank founded by Bush 41's grandfather was concluded.

Uncle Herbie
Nevertheless, G. H. Walker, Jr. (Bush's Uncle Herbie) became a director following that merger, while his son, Bush's first cousin, G.H. Walker III (called Bert, like his grandfather), was named senior vice president, director for the new securities firm. That position lasted only until the end of 1975, when Bert left the merged firm to work for Stifel, Nicholaus & Co. Bert Walker Sr. had died in 1956, followed by Herbie Walker in 1977.

At first Kendrick worked from his home in Pasadena, while his partner Harry Mulligan, Jr. worked in New Haven. They moved to Abilene a year later, from which they operated Harken for five years, drilling more than 300 wells, primarily in Texas and Oklahoma. Kendrick spent those years watching Australia, he told David Armstrong, in the hope he could find an opportunity to explore for oil there.

It was a year of upheaval on many fronts--especially political and financial. In 1973 George Bush 41 was at the Republican National Committee, CREEP having completed its mission of reelecting Nixon. Bush held Richard Nixon's nervous hand, finally telling Nixon when it was time to resign, and likely arranged for the pardon by President Gerald Ford in order to ensure that Nixon would keep quiet about the Watergate burglary and the "plumbers." 1974 was the same year Henrik Kruger wrote that the "heroin coup" was complete. And it was also the year most of the large investment banks (partnerships with accountability) began to consolidate their portfolios and go public, thus removing themselves from responsibility for their bad decisions.

Robert Mercer's Black-box, Computer-Driven Algorithms

1986 the Chicago Tribune published a story which indicated that IBM was a decade away from technology that would allow one computer to talk to another. Robert Mercer, manager of the IBM Thomas J. Watson Center in Yorktown Heights, New York's real time speech recognition department, was quoted.



A West Texan by birth, I myself have driven through Abilene dozens of times in my life. It is a dusty Texas city lying at the point of intersection between two lines:
  1.  one line between Lubbock and Waco and 
  2.  a second between Midland and Fort Worth.

Between that hub and the perimeter, formed by connecting the outer cities that compose the X, lies little but mesquite trees and an occasional tumbleweed. Mikel Faulkner, while attending the sectarian Church of Christ college (Abilene Christian College), had met and become engaged in 1970 to a Midland, Texas, girl named Sandra Potter, daughter of Wayne Potter, as announced in his hometown newspaper in Louisville, Kentucky. 

Whether members of the Potter family had ever crossed paths with the Bush family in Midland is not known, although we do know that Faulkner would likely have been working on his MBA at Harvard at about the same time as George W. Bush, who received his degree in 1975, seven years after his Yale undergraduate degree was awarded. 

However, at the time Dubya purchased his Texas Rangers baseball team stock in the fall of 1989, he was not only acting as an energy consultant for Harken, but he was its largest shareholder. The baseball syndicate buyers also included Richard E. Rainwater of Fort Worth and William O. DeWitt Jr. of Cincinnati. Rainwater, named as a partner with Bass Enterprises and Sid Bass in television station KFDA as early as 1976, had handled Bass brothers' stock portfolio while he was at Goldman Sachs, and was still advising the Basses until 1986. The Bass brothers' mother was the late Sid Richardson's sister and only legal heir. 

It was therefore likely that Bush brought in Alan Quasha to buy into Harken in 1981-82. Mikel Dean Faulkner had been a 1971 magna cum laude graduate of Abilene Christian College in Harken-founder Kendrick's hometown, had studied mathematics there before serving in the Navy's nuclear power program which trained officers to operate nuclear submarines. Either Kendrick or someone else recruited him in 1981 to become Harken's president to run the company which was then in the process of being sold to some individuals Kendrick had met while drilling for oil in Australia.

Mikel Faulkner decided to leave his job as accountant for American Quasar Petroleum Co. to work for Harken. American Quasar Petroleum was originally incorporated in Florida and was leasing land from the Miccosukee Tribe for exploration in 1981 with San Antonio, Texas, based Tesoro Petroleum. Tesoro was founded by Robert Van Osdell West, Jr., who had a Ph.D. from the University of Texas when first employed as a petroleum engineer in Midland in 1949 by Tom Slick of San Antonio. West worked for Slick's companies until his death in October 1962, at which time he bought TexStar Corporation, renaming it Tesoro, from which he retired in 1992. He died in 2006.

After creating Tesoro, West had grown rapidly and by November 1973 was negotiating with an "unnamed Arab potentate" to drill on Arab soil. In those eleven years he had already moved his drilling equipment into Alaska, Trinidad and Indonesia. By the next year, he was giving speeches against U.S. government policy under President Gerald Ford.

Under Faulkner's helm a few years later Harken bought a corporation founded by another accountant from Abilene, G. Randy Nicholson, a trustee of Faulkner's alma mater Abilene Christian College since 1981. Nicholson had created E-Z Serve gas stations and convenience stores based upon a technology he invented for gas pumps installed with credit card readers which transmitted information to a computer database, thus avoiding the need for human interaction. Harken soon increased its revenue by 9600%! In 1990 Donald M. Smith exclaimed [in the National Petroleum News (Jan 1990 v82 n1), p42] that Harken's:

financial growth has been nothing short of spectacular--from a few million dollars in annual sales in 1986 to gross revenues expected to be in the $1-billion range this year.

One sign of Harken's growing eminence occurred on August 30 when the company's stock began trading on the New York Stock Exchange under the symbol HEC.... Overall, the company's financial performance has been startling. In 1986, Harken Oil & Gas, Inc. (the name was changed to Harken Energy Corp. on Jan. 1, 1989 to reflect its broader industry profile) had total revenues of only $4.4-million. In 1987, following the acquisition of E-Z Serve in December 1986, the company's revenues jumped an astonishing 9,600% to $421-million....


As described in the company's own financial pronouncements, Harken "acquires, restructures and manages energy assets for itself, other energy companies and financial institutions." As such, the company's growth strategy differs somewhat from many other oil companies in that the principal building blocks of its growth, so far at least, have been through acquisitions and not based on internal expansion.

Also rather unique among the larger Sunbelt-based independents is the fact that Harken's top two officers, Mikel D. Faulkner, president and CEO, and Alan G. Quasha, chairman, have financial and legal rather than operational oil company backgrounds. Faulkner, 40, is a certified public accountant with a master's degree in business administration [Though his undergrad degree was in mathematics and physics]. Quasha, also 40, is a New York attorney and specialist in corporate reorganizations....

Faulkner, a Church of Christ deacon known for both his straightforward honesty and shrewdness, joined Harken from Fort Worth-based American Quasar Petroleum (now Wolverine Exploration Co.) where he was controller. Prior to that he was with the Arthur Anderson & Co. accounting firm in Dallas for several years.

Quasha, a partner in the law firm of Quasha, Wessely & Schneider, New York, is also chairman of Frontier Holding Inc. and played a big role in restructuring Denver-based Frontier Oil and Refining Co. several years back [NPN--Jan. '88, p15].

Faulkner signed on at Harken in 1981 and became chief executive in 1982 following a management shakeup. With the company facing bankruptcy, he laid off 90 of its 100 employees, sold 25% of the company's oil field assets for $5-million and then used that sum to negotiate new terms with creditors. In 1982, Harken had a debt load of $20-million; in 1983, it was debt-free....

In all, Harken has scooped up about a dozen companies since 1983, acquiring both petroleum marketing firms and oil and gas properties and boosting its $20-million 1983 asset base fourteen-fold by midyear 1989....
Another acquisition, that of Spectrum 7 Energy Corp. in 1986, brought George W. Bush Jr., the president's son, on board as a director....

Donald Smith's analysis in 1990 ignored the fact that a total of 30% of Harken Energy stock, valued at $28 million, as Harvard had only recently learned from SEC filings, according to the May 1991 Harvard Crimson, was held by the Harvard endowment.That fact, however, would quickly become a matter of concern since there was an apparent conflict of interest because two managers of Harvard-affiliated entity Aeneas also had personal investments in Harken--10,000 shares each held by Michael R. Eisenson and Donald D. Beane. The Crimson repeatedly reported its concern, while Harvard itself denied that the investment was improper.

SEC documents which revealed the conflict of interest were not filed until eight months after George W. Bush (later President Bush 43) sold 66% of his Harken stock for $848,560. That was the source of the money with which he repaid loans created when he bought his share of the Texas Rangers baseball team. He had sold just in the nick of time, only "two months before the corporation announced a $23 million loss," as the Crimson reported in 2002. Harvard had come under a great deal of scrutiny before that 2002 report because of research that Catherine Austin Fitts was doing following the collapse of Enron in 2001, which occurred only one month after the 9/11 debacle. Working with Fitts, I had written up research that appeared in 2002 called "Follow the Yellow Brick Road: From Harvard to Enron" to assist her in determining who had caused her own company, Hamilton Securities Group, to tank in 1996.

Although most of our research turned on Pug Winokur's career, Mike Eisenson was also of interest because he was one of two men who told Fitts in 1990 that 20% of the equity in Hamilton, a company initially founded to give contract advice to Pug Winokur's company, NHP, Inc. (formerly National Housing Partnership), in which Harvard also had a large investment, would be owned by NHP. Fitts, feeling extortion was at play, refused to agree to the kickback scheme and was consequently advised by Eisenson that the verbal contract she had made with Winokur would be abrogated. Fitts, however, believing Hamilton could still offer a valuable service without NHP's consulting contract, proceeded to set up her company without Harvard's participation.

Two years prior to this discussion, Winokur had been at DynCorp, but in 1995 joined the board of Harvard Management Corporation, the board which oversaw Harvard's overall endowment. In the late summer of 1995 NHP completed its IPO, repaying loans to venture capital entities affiliated with Harvard, such as Demeter and Capricorn.

My main contribution to Fitts' project was in offering an historical perspective concerning what I knew about Harvard's original founding and the investments made by earlier capitalists whose fortunes had been made in "the China trade," or what I felt was a euphemism for the drug trade of the 1840's. That article was posted to the internet by a friend of an acquaintance, and its now-dead links were cited and referred to as a "far more controversial take," by a Harvard Watch group. But the work we did attempting to understand how the money worked did wake people up and gain attention about how incestuous tax-exempt entities really are.

In 1987 American Quasar partnered with Wolverine Exploration in an exchange of warrants, shortly before Wolverine became Harken. Then, in 1988 members of a syndicate investing in Harken Oil and Gas did not mention Quasha by name, nor did it report that a Harvard investment vehicle, Aeneas Venture Corp., owned 22% of Harken. Possibly attempting to throw the public offtrack, Malcolm Berko reported in 1989 that "George Sporos (no relation to 'Sporos' Agnew), a renowned, astute and shrewd money manager," also owned 22% of the stock in Harken. Another large owner was then the Union Bank of Switzerland, whose stock put the aggregate ownership of Aeneas and UBS and Bush at more than 50%. George Soros, also a shrewd and savvy money manager, was accurately identified in a Jack Z. Smith piece in the Fort Worth Star Telegram, not Sporos. So much for Berko's expertise!

In October 1991, the last year of George H.W. Bush's presidential term, Horn & Hardart (which owned the now dormant Automat) was taken over by North American Resources (NAR Group Limited), which included members of the Quasha family and a Swiss financial firm, changing the name to Hanover Direct, a catalog retailing business with headquarters in New Jersey. The Swiss firm was Richemont Finance S.A. ("Richemont"), a Luxembourg company, owning about 49% of Hanover's common stock. Richemont was a wholly owned subsidiary of Compagnie Financiere Richemont, A.G., a Swiss public company engaged in luxury goods, tobacco and other business on behalf of its owner South African citizen Anton Rupert, who died in 2006. His son Johann Peter Rupert also worked in the same companies. The offshore havens were used to hide their South African ownership because of global embargoes against the apartheid government.

NAR Group was also affiliated with Intercontinental Mining & Resources Incorporated, to which it had executed a subordinated $10 million promissory note in 1996. Since Hanover owned both NAR and IMR, the note was surrendered to and cancelled by Hanover. Could that takeover have been their way of paying off Bush's campaign debt and getting a tax deduction at the same time?

By the time of the midterm elections during Bill Clinton's first term (1994) Harken's shareholders were reported to include the following:

  • Renaissance Technologies.
  • Aeneas Venture Partners, an entity affiliated with capital managed by a Harvard University endowment fund. According to a 1994 SEC filing Aeneas was holding 25,000 shares of Common Stock subject to stock options transferred to it by Michael R. Eisenson, a Director of Harken, effective March 1, 1991.
  • Aeneas Venture Partners also held as trustee or nominee another 468,367 shares of Common Stock owned beneficially by the Harvard Master Trust [the pension plan for Harvard University]. Aeneas has no investment or voting power over these shares.
  • Aeneas Venture Partners held another 234,204 shares of Common Stock owned beneficially by the Harvard Yenching Institute. Aeneas has no investment or voting power over these shares.
  • Aeneas Venture Partners 321,679 shares of Common Stock owned beneficially by Phemus Corporation, all of which parties are affiliates of Aeneas.
MRI technology (Numar) developed for oil industry.
Another 1994 investor was Abdullah Taha Bakhsh, a one-time member of the board of Investcorp and director of the Zakat (Tax) Department at the Saudi Ministry of Finance, and whose chief banker was Khalid bin Mahfouz of BCCI. As stated at the last link by Lucy Komisar:
"BCCI was the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, a dirty offshore bank that then-president Ronald Reagan’s Central Intelligence Agency used to run guns to Hussein, finance Osama bin Laden, move money in the illegal Iran-Contra operation and carry out other “agency” black ops. The Bushes also benefited privately; one of the bank’s largest Saudi investors helped bail out George W. Bush’s troubled oil investments."

This was the money that financed the Tea Party's wins with Newt Gingrich heading the list in 1994. They were just gearing up to oppose Clinton in his bid for a second term, but would still be around to go against Al Gore in 2000 by financing Dubya Bush, or Shrub, as Molly Ivins referred to him.

The Midland Reporter-Telegram, Nov 3, 1996 Page 125

Role of George W. Bush 

Russ Baker in his book, Family of Secrets, also explored the provenance of the funds that made their way into Harken. George Walker Bush joined the Harken board in September 1986, the same time Harken purchased Spectrum 7 Energy, a William DeWitt, Jr. and Mercer Reynolds company which merged with Bush's Arbusto Energy two years earlier. Bush had founded Arbusto in 1978.

A letter submitted by Alan G. Quasha to editors of The Nation in 2007 appears to agree with Baker's evaluation that he understood very little. Quasha stated in part about various allegations made in Family of Secrets and and article that appeared in The Nation, called “Hillary’s Mystery Money Men”:

"The insinuations against Harken Energy are false. When I was nonexecutive chairman, Harken’s major shareholders were George Soros, Harvard University and a joint venture I headed; none had ties with “BCCI,” “Saudi frontmen,” “a foreign dictator” or “figures with intelligence ties.” 
Baker and Adam Federman, who authored the Hillary article, vigorously rebutted Quasha's attack on their credibility.


Sometimes it just helps to zoom out a little to see the bigger picture.

"Saudi Arabia: Creation of the Petrodollar" has been in draft form for several years, being added to and edited as time permitted. Please refer to other articles in my  Quixotic Joust blog which are linked above, including the following:

Being the House Player at the Casino.
Who is Robert Mercer Really?
Remembering the Harken Money.