Sensing the End of the Gold Standard

Connecting these seemingly disparate events is another Texan -- President Eisenhower's favorite--Secretary of Treasury Robert Bernard Anderson--who had long been John Connally's business and financial mentor. Anderson taught Connally that oil and money, unlike oil and water, do in fact mix quite well.

Even before meeting Eisenhower, however, Anderson had been selected by President Truman during the closing days of WWII to deal with a national security matter--how to use gold confiscated from war enemies to shore up U.S. gold reserves underlying the Bretton Woods Agreement. Sterling Seagrave wrote in 2008, describing those earlier events:

Stimson’s special assistants on this topic were his deputies John J. McCloy and Robert [A.] Lovett, and consultant Robert B. Anderson, all clever men with outstanding careers in public service and banking. McCloy later became head of the World Bank, Lovett secretary of Defense, Anderson secretary of the Treasury. Their solution was to set up what is informally called the Black Eagle Trust. The idea was first discussed with America’s allies in secret during July 1944, when forty-four nations met at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, to plan the postwar world economy. (This was confirmed, in documents we obtained, by a number of high-level sources, including a CIA officer based in Manila, and former CIA Deputy Director Ray Cline, who knew of Santy’s recoveries in 1945. As recently as the 1990s, Cline continued to be involved in attempts to control Japanese war-gold still in the vaults of Citibank.)

After briefing President Truman and others in Washington, including McCloy, Lovett, and Stimson, Captain [Edward G.] Lansdale returned to Tokyo in November 1945 with Robert B. Anderson. General MacArthur then accompanied Anderson and Lansdale on a covert flight to Manila, where they set out for a tour of the vaults Santy already had opened. In them, we were told, Anderson and MacArthur strolled down "row after row of gold bars stacked two meters tall." From what they saw, it was evident that over a period of 50 years (1895-1945) Japan had looted many billions of dollars in treasure from all over Asia. A far longer period than Germany had to loot Europe. Over five decades, Japan had looted billions of dollars’ worth of gold, platinum, diamonds, and other treasure, from all over East and Southeast Asia. Much of this had reached Japan by sea, or overland from China through Korea. What was seen by Anderson and MacArthur was only some of the gold that had not reached Japan after 1943, when the US submarine blockade of the Home Islands became effective. From this it is obvious that what was looted by Japan on the Asian mainland from 1895-1943 had reached Japan and been tucked away there in what the US Army statement called "undeclared caches of these treasures ... known to exist."

Far from being bankrupted by the war, Japan had been greatly enriched, and -- thanks to Washington’s intervention -- used this treasure to rise like a phoenix from the ashes, while its victims struggled on for decades.

The gold recovered in the Philippines was not put in Fort Knox to benefit American citizens. There has been no audit of Ft. Knox since 1950.

According to Ray Cline and others, between 1945 and 1947 the gold bullion recovered by Santy and Lansdale was discreetly moved by ship to 176 accounts at banks in 42 countries. The gold was trucked to warehouses at the U.S. Navy base in Subic Bay, or the U.S. Air Force base at Clark Field.

Preference went to the U.S. Navy because of the weight of the bullion. Secrecy was vital. If the recovery of a huge mass of stolen gold became known, the market price of gold would plummet, and thousands of people would come forward to claim it, and Washington would be bogged down resolving ownership.

The secrecy surrounding these recoveries was total. Robert Anderson and CIA agent Paul Helliwell traveled all over the planet, setting up these black gold accounts, providing money for political action funds throughout the noncommunist world. In 1953, to reward him, President Eisenhower nominated Anderson to a Cabinet post as secretary of the Navy. The following year he rose to deputy secretary of Defense. During the second Eisenhower Administration, he became secretary of the Treasury, serving from 1957 to 1961. After that, Anderson resumed private life, but remained intimately involved with the CIA’s worldwide network of "black banks," set up by Paul Helliwell. Eventually, this led to Anderson being involved in the scandal of BCCI, the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, a Pakistani bank with CIA ties.

Robert B. Anderson and Greenwich

Anderson had resigned from Ike's defense department in 1955 to take a job with Thayer Lindsley of the  Canadian gold mining company called Ventures, Limited. Based in New York, Anderson commuted from his new home at No. 1, Deer Park Court in Greenwich, Connecticut--about a mile and a half from Prescott Bush's residence--as marked on our Greenwich map made for another post at this blog.

Greenwich, CT--Rockefeller family, owners of Citibank stock, controllers of NY Fed                          

During this interim period between government work, Anderson maintained his Texas oil background, accepting a distinguished-service award in the fall of 1956 from Mid-Continent Oil and Gas Association, where the speakers at the meeting talked about the big challenge ahead in the oil industry of finding enough domestic oil to meet the country's demand.

Less than a year after that award, President Eisenhower summoned Anderson  back to Washington (June 1957) to replace George Humphrey as Secretary of Treasury, an appointment Senator Prescott Bush applauded. After Anderson left the Treasury Department, however, rather than going back to Texas, or running for President, as Ike had had wanted him to do, he instead returned to his adopted home in Greenwich, Connecticut. Many years later, when his wife, Ollie Mae, died in May 1987, her address was given as 682 Lake Avenue, still in Greenwich.

In 1962 Anderson was serving on the board of the State National Bank of Connecticut, as a director alongside G.H. (Herbie) Walker, Jr. and Samuel Pryor. He was also on the 12-man Board of Dresser Industries, alongside Texas governor Allan Shivers, Norman Chandler of the L.A. Times, Lewis MacNaughton (partner of geologist Everett DeGolyer), and Neil Mallon. In 1964, however, Anderson supported his old friend Lyndon Johnson for re-election instead of Bush's favored Goldwater.

Herbie Walker, an uncle of George H. W. "Poppy" Bush, was the man who raised money from investors for his nephew's first oil company in the West Texas oil field in the early 1950's. Uncle Herbie, Dorothy Walker Bush's brother, had risen to the head of the Walker family following the death of Bert Walker in 1953. [Search this blog for "George Herbert Walker" for other articles.]

G. H. Walker was the first president of W.A. Harriman & Co. in New York appointed by the young Harriman boys when it opened in 1920, long before the investment bank merged with Brown Brothers in 1931.Had the elder Walker chosen his grandson, "Poppy" Bush, to be David K.E. Bruce's protégé? Aviation Corporation (AVCO), where Bruce had been president, was also a creation of W. Averell Harriman. When Bruce then left AVCO in 1929 and returned to the foreign service, it was at the behest of Prescott Bush's partner at Brown Brothers Harriman--W. Averell Harriman. As I have stated before:

It is Prescott’s entry into partnership in the newly created investment bank of Brown Brothers Harriman (BBH), which best explains how his sons and grandsons attained their access to capital. BBH began doing business in 1931, as a result of a merger between the old, well-established Brown Brothers & Co. and W.A. Harriman & Co., a deal put together by Prescott Bush's father-in-law on behalf of the sons of railroad tycoon E.H. Harriman, who had been Prescott's Skull and Bones brothers while they were all at Yale during the years just prior to WWI.

Renaissance and Aeneas--1993

The same year Renaissance Technologies made an investment in a company that modified an invention made for the medical industry for use petroleum exploration it hired Robert Mercer and others from IBM who had long been studying speech recognition and machine translation, "computational linguistics." RenTec partnered with Aeneas Venture Corp., which five years earlier had poured money into Harken Energy, in the purchase in 1993 of Numar, a Pennsylvania corporation which developed medical technology for use in the oil industry (see inset right).

Four years later, Numar would be acquired by Halliburton, whose chief executive, Dick Cheney, handled the deal for the Dallas-based corporation , whose other executives--Anne Armstrong and lawyers at John Connally's Vinson & Elkins--had implemented the terms. Connally and Armstrong had been part of the Nixon administration, with Armstrong and Cheney surviving into Gerald Ford's presidency (1974-76), during the same time Bush 41 was Director of the CIA.

Numar received Halliburton stock valued at $472 million in exchange for its own stock, making the purchase price $360 million. According to Bloomberg:

In September 1997, NUMAR Corporation was acquired by Halliburton Company, through the merger of a subsidiary of Halliburton with and into NUMAR. Previously, NUMAR Corporation was engaged in the design, manufacture, and marketing of a patented, proprietary well logging device, used in medical diagnostic imaging devices, to evaluate subsurface rock formations in newly-drilled oil and gas wells.

Three years after the Halliburton deal, Cheney was elected vice president under George W. Bush (43), who had been the primary beneficiary of the Aeneas Venture Corporation's 1988 Harken transaction.

George W. Bush was a director of Harken with Alan Quasha, Mikel Faulkner, and Michael Eisenson before 1993.

Though Renaissance Technologies had not been involved in the 1988 Bush transaction, there were certain aspects surrounding an investment Simons' former company, Monemetrics, had made years earlier that rang a reminiscent bell. Knowing that Harvard-educated Alan G. Quasha had purchased Harken stock for Quadrant Capital Corp. by using entities in Tortola, British Virgin Islands, held in trust by his mother, Phyllis Grant Quasha, an Australian citizen, I began to wonder whether Ivory Limited, set up in the British Virgin Islands, a limited investor in a 1981 partnership between Simons' Monemetrics Corp. and Doral Industries (headed by Norman Melnick). It appeared that Melnick wanted to buy the Magic Marker trademark, a bankruptcy asset of his former employer, and. According to Bloomberg's cache: "He was an early adopter of outsourcing manufacturing to China."

Alan Quasha is said to have created Quadrant Management in 1988, the same year he went to work for Compagnie Financière Richemont SA., but he admitted in an interview that he began doing "restructurings" as early as 1979. Was Doral Industries, Simons' partnership with Norman Melnick, one of those restructurings which brought in capital from his father's law firm?

Did Melnick and Simons obtain the needed capital, by chance, from a client of Alan Quasha's father, attorney William Quasha, who was still practicing law in Manila in 1981? Could the capital infusion from the secret Ivory Ltd. account in the British Virgin Islands have been arranged by Quasha Ancheta Pena & Nolasco, whose website proclaims the firm was "originally founded in 1946 ... as William H. Quasha and Associates." Had Simons crossed paths while he was at Harvard with Alan Quasha? Those are questions for other researchers to answer.

The Quasha Family

Nevertheless, those questions only led us to seek answers to other inquiries, concerning how Renaissance Technologies may have discovered the opportunity to join with Aeneas in 1993. Our first step was to learn more about the Quasha family. The two sons, Alan Grant Quasha and Wayne Quasha, attended the Hill School in Pottstown, Pennsylvania, where Wayne was on the baseball team and was editor of the Hill News student paper in the mid 1960s. Alan played tennis at the Hill School in 1968, and at Harvard he would be on the squash team in 1972. He spent most of the 1970s at Harvard, obtaining an MBA from Harvard Business School while graduating later from Harvard Law School.

In 1976 Alan was working as an associate with the New York law firm of Davis, Polk & Wardwell when he joined New York's Union Club. He did not move back to his father's law firm--then known as Quasha, Asperilla, Zafra, Tavag & Ancheta--with offices in Manila and Bangkok, Thailand. Instead, in 1977 he married Diana Vinade Ronan, a debutante daughter of a powerful businessman with close connections to the Rockefeller family.

Dr. William J. Ronan was chairman of the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey and a "senior adviser to the Rockefeller family." He was former dean of the Graduate School of Public Administration at New York University, having been affiliated with that school since as early as 1939, the year he married Ellen Vinade. He had also been chief executive officer of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority for a time.

Alan Quasha completed an advanced degree in taxation in 1980 at the NYU Law School, where his father-in-law was dean. He was then primed to start his career, while getting one more advanced law degree from Harvard. That was the year Ted Koppel reminded us every night how many days Americans seized by students in Teheran had been held as hostages by Ayatollah Khomeini, while President Jimmy Carter holed up in the White House, refusing to campaign while the hostages were not free. Republicans were hopeful about reclaiming the presidency, and seven of them actively campaigned. After George H. W. Bush's withdrawal in late May, Ronald Reagan named him as his running mate. But still Carter, competing in Democratic primaries against Ted Kennedy and Jerry Brown, did not campaign.

Gasoline prices skyrocketed, and there were long lines at the pumps. Anger was rife, and conspiracies were suspected, especially after the attempted April rescue mission (Operation Eagle Claw) failed.  Wayne Madsen in 2015, analyzing declassified documents, stated the failure of the mission occurred because two Republican candidates were operating two separate spy operations, using "moles within the National Security Council," and passing stolen classified intelligence to Richard H. Allen, William Casey, Ed Meese, or Judge William Clark. Four days before the mission, Miles Copeland, an old Kermit "Kim" Roosevelt CIA hand, leaked news of the mission in the Washington Times. Madsen called these leaks of highly classified documents and other acts "high-level treason ... not a mere policy difference," against the United States.


Harken


The Harken founders were account executives for the investment banking firm of White Weld & Co., a brokerage firm destined to merge with G. H. Walker & Co. in 1974, thus removing the Walker name from the securities industry. In April 1978 White, Weld Credit Suisse would be snatched up by Merrill, Lynch, and its name would also disappear from history. Harry L. Mulligan and Phil Kendrick, Jr.--whose names when combined spelled Harken--first set up this company in California in 1973 before relocating to Texas. Phil Jr.'s father was an oilman in Abilene, Texas, and Phil Jr. graduated in 1950 from the University of Texas. After he sold his father's oil company a decade later, he moved to New York to work for White, Weld & Co.,

Reprint of Jack Z. Smith Harken story

Mulligan, born in 1930, was a graduate of the Jesuit Xavier High School and Fordham University in New York. Having grown up in Forest Hills, New York, in 1967 he worked in New Haven, Connecticut, while residing in Woodbridge.

Kendrick and Mulligan formed Harken in Pasadena, California in July 1973 while its founders were still working for White, Weld. At that same time they had set up a number of limited partnerships designated K&M Exploration. The partnerships were drafted at 555 South Flower Street in the office of Latham & Watkins, the law firm which represented the Richfield Oil Company in Los Angeles, which had its headquarters in the same building.

White, Weld & Co., which handled securities matters for Richfield, was then in the process of absorbing G.H. Walker & Co., removing the latter's name from its letterhead in November 1974, when the merger with the investment bank founded by Bush 41's grandfather was concluded.

Uncle Herbie

Nevertheless, G. H. Walker, Jr. (Bush's Uncle Herbie) became a director following that merger, while his son, Bush's first cousin, G.H. Walker III (called Bert, like his grandfather), was named senior vice president, director for the new securities firm. That position lasted only until the end of 1975, when Bert left the merged firm to work for Stifel, Nicholaus & Co. Bert Walker Sr. had died in 1956, followed by Herbie Walker in 1977.

At first Kendrick worked from his home in Pasadena, while his partner Harry Mulligan, Jr. worked in New Haven. They moved to Abilene a year later, from which they operated Harken for five years, drilling more than 300 wells, primarily in Texas and Oklahoma. Kendrick spent those years watching Australia, he told David Armstrong, in the hope he could find an opportunity to explore for oil there.

It was a year of upheaval on many fronts--especially political and financial. In 1973 George Bush 41 was at the Republican National Committee, CREEP having completed its mission of reelecting Nixon. Bush held Richard Nixon's nervous hand, finally telling Nixon when it was time to resign, and likely arranged for the pardon by President Gerald Ford in order to ensure that Nixon would keep quiet about the Watergate burglary and the "plumbers." 1974 was the same year Henrik Kruger wrote that the "heroin coup" was complete. And it was also the year most of the large investment banks (partnerships with accountability) began to consolidate their portfolios and go public, thus removing themselves from responsibility for their bad decisions.

Robert Mercer's Black-box, Computer-Driven Algorithms

1986 the Chicago Tribune published a story which indicated that IBM was a decade away from technology that would allow one computer to talk to another. Robert Mercer, manager of the IBM Thomas J. Watson Center in Yorktown Heights, New York's real time speech recognition department, was quoted.

A West Texan by birth, I myself have driven through Abilene dozens of times in my life. It is a dusty Texas city lying at the point of intersection between two lines:

1.  one line between Lubbock and Waco and 
2.  a second between Midland and Fort Worth.

Between that hub and the perimeter, formed by connecting the outer cities that compose the X, lies little but mesquite trees and an occasional tumbleweed. Mikel Faulkner, while attending the sectarian Church of Christ college (Abilene Christian College), had met and become engaged in 1970 to a Midland, Texas, girl named Sandra Potter, daughter of Wayne Potter, as announced in his hometown newspaper in Louisville, Kentucky. 

Whether members of the Potter family had ever crossed paths with the Bush family in Midland is not known, although we do know that Faulkner would likely have been working on his MBA at Harvard at about the same time as George W. Bush, who received his degree in 1975, seven years after his Yale undergraduate degree was awarded. 

However, at the time Dubya purchased his Texas Rangers baseball team stock in the fall of 1989, he was not only acting as an energy consultant for Harken, but he was its largest shareholder. The baseball syndicate buyers also included Richard E. Rainwater of Fort Worth and William O. DeWitt Jr. of Cincinnati. Rainwater, named as a partner with Bass Enterprises and Sid Bass in television station KFDA as early as 1976, had handled Bass brothers' stock portfolio while he was at Goldman Sachs, and was still advising the Basses until 1986. The Bass brothers' mother was the late Sid Richardson's sister and only legal heir. 

It was therefore likely that Bush brought in Alan Quasha to buy into Harken in 1981-82. Mikel Dean Faulkner had been a 1971 magna cum laude graduate of Abilene Christian College in Harken-founder Kendrick's hometown, had studied mathematics there before serving in the Navy's nuclear power program which trained officers to operate nuclear submarines. Either Kendrick or someone else recruited him in 1981 to become Harken's president to run the company which was then in the process of being sold to some individuals Kendrick had met while drilling for oil in Australia.

Mikel Faulkner decided to leave his job as accountant for American Quasar Petroleum Co. to work for Harken. American Quasar Petroleum was originally incorporated in Florida and was leasing land from the Miccosukee Tribe for exploration in 1981 with San Antonio, Texas, based Tesoro Petroleum. Tesoro was founded by Robert Van Osdell West, Jr., who had a Ph.D. from the University of Texas when first employed as a petroleum engineer in Midland in 1949 by Tom Slick of San Antonio. West worked for Slick's companies until his death in October 1962, at which time he bought TexStar Corporation, renaming it Tesoro, from which he retired in 1992. He died in 2006.

After creating Tesoro, West had grown rapidly and by November 1973 was negotiating with an "unnamed Arab potentate" to drill on Arab soil. In those eleven years he had already moved his drilling equipment into Alaska, Trinidad and Indonesia. By the next year, he was giving speeches against U.S. government policy under President Gerald Ford.

Under Faulkner's helm a few years later Harken bought a corporation founded by another accountant from Abilene, G. Randy Nicholson, a trustee of Faulkner's alma mater Abilene Christian College since 1981. Nicholson had created E-Z Serve gas stations and convenience stores based upon a technology he invented for gas pumps installed with credit card readers which transmitted information to a computer database, thus avoiding the need for human interaction. Harken soon increased its revenue by 9600%! In 1990 Donald M. Smith exclaimed [in the National Petroleum News (Jan 1990 v82 n1), p42] that Harken's:

financial growth has been nothing short of spectacular--from a few million dollars in annual sales in 1986 to gross revenues expected to be in the $1-billion range this year.

One sign of Harken's growing eminence occurred on August 30 when the company's stock began trading on the New York Stock Exchange under the symbol HEC.... Overall, the company's financial performance has been startling. In 1986, Harken Oil & Gas, Inc. (the name was changed to Harken Energy Corp. on Jan. 1, 1989 to reflect its broader industry profile) had total revenues of only $4.4-million. In 1987, following the acquisition of E-Z Serve in December 1986, the company's revenues jumped an astonishing 9,600% to $421-million....

As described in the company's own financial pronouncements, Harken "acquires, restructures and manages energy assets for itself, other energy companies and financial institutions." As such, the company's growth strategy differs somewhat from many other oil companies in that the principal building blocks of its growth, so far at least, have been through acquisitions and not based on internal expansion.

Also rather unique among the larger Sunbelt-based independents is the fact that Harken's top two officers, Mikel D. Faulkner, president and CEO, and Alan G. Quasha, chairman, have financial and legal rather than operational oil company backgrounds. Faulkner, 40, is a certified public accountant with a master's degree in business administration [Though his undergrad degree was in mathematics and physics]. Quasha, also 40, is a New York attorney and specialist in corporate reorganizations....

Faulkner, a Church of Christ deacon known for both his straightforward honesty and shrewdness, joined Harken from Fort Worth-based American Quasar Petroleum (now Wolverine Exploration Co.) where he was controller. Prior to that he was with the Arthur Anderson & Co. accounting firm in Dallas for several years.

Quasha, a partner in the law firm of Quasha, Wessely & Schneider, New York, is also chairman of Frontier Holding Inc. and played a big role in restructuring Denver-based Frontier Oil and Refining Co. several years back [NPN--Jan. '88, p15].

Faulkner signed on at Harken in 1981 and became chief executive in 1982 following a management shakeup. With the company facing bankruptcy, he laid off 90 of its 100 employees, sold 25% of the company's oil field assets for $5-million and then used that sum to negotiate new terms with creditors. In 1982, Harken had a debt load of $20-million; in 1983, it was debt-free....

In all, Harken has scooped up about a dozen companies since 1983, acquiring both petroleum marketing firms and oil and gas properties and boosting its $20-million 1983 asset base fourteen-fold by midyear 1989....

Another acquisition, that of Spectrum 7 Energy Corp. in 1986, brought George W. Bush Jr., the president's son, on board as a director....

Donald Smith's analysis in 1990 ignored the fact that a total of 30% of Harken Energy stock, valued at $28 million, as Harvard had only recently learned from SEC filings, according to the May 1991 Harvard Crimson, was held by the Harvard endowment. That fact, however, would quickly become a matter of concern because of the apparent conflict of interest that existed because two managers of Harvard-affiliated entity Aeneas also had personal investments in Harken--10,000 shares each held by Michael R. Eisenson and Donald D. Beane. The Crimson repeatedly reported its concern, while Harvard itself denied that the investment was improper.

SEC documents which revealed the conflict of interest were not filed until eight months after George W. Bush (later President Bush 43) sold 66% of his Harken stock for $848,560. That was the source of the money with which he repaid loans created when he bought his share of the Texas Rangers baseball team. He had sold just in the nick of time, only "two months before the corporation announced a $23 million loss," as the Crimson reported in 2002. Harvard had come under a great deal of scrutiny before that 2002 report because of research that Catherine Austin Fitts was doing following the collapse of Enron in 2001, which occurred only one month after the 9/11 debacle. Working with Fitts, I had written up research that appeared in 2002 called "Follow the Yellow Brick Road: From Harvard to Enron" to assist her in determining who had caused her own company, Hamilton Securities Group, to tank in 1996.

Although most of our research turned on Pug Winokur's career, Mike Eisenson was also of interest because he was one of two men who told Fitts in 1990 that 20% of the equity in Hamilton, a company initially founded to give contract advice to Pug Winokur's company, NHP, Inc. (formerly National Housing Partnership), in which Harvard also had a large investment, would be owned by NHP. Fitts, feeling extortion was at play, refused to agree to the kickback scheme and was consequently advised by Eisenson that the verbal contract she had made with Winokur would be abrogated. Fitts, however, believing Hamilton could still offer a valuable service without NHP's consulting contract, proceeded to set up her company without Harvard's participation.

Two years prior to this discussion, Winokur had been at DynCorp, but in 1995 joined the board of Harvard Management Corporation, the board with oversees Harvard's overall endowment. In the late summer of 1995 NHP completed its IPO, repaying loans to venture capital entities affiliated with Harvard, such as Demeter and Capricorn.

My main contribution was in offering an historical perspective concerning what I knew about Harvard's original founding and the investments made by earlier capitalists whose fortunes had been made in "the China trade," or what I felt was a euphemism for the drug trade of the 1840's. That article was posted to the internet by a friend of an acquaintance, and its now-dead links were cited and referred to as a "far more controversial take," by a Harvard Watch group. But the work we did attempting to understand how the money worked did wake people up and gain attention about how incestuous tax-exempt entities really are.

In 1988 members of the syndicate investing in Harken did not include Quasha by name. Aeneas Venture Corp. owned 22% of Harken as early as 1989, the year Malcolm Berko reported that "George Sporos (no relation to 'Sporos' Agnew), a renowned, astute and shrewd money manager," also owned 22% of the stock in Harken. Another large owner was then the Union Bank of Switzerland, whose stock made the aggregate ownership of these four, including Bush, at more than 50%. George Soros, also a shrewd and savvy money manager, was accurately identified in a 1988 article, written by Jack Z. Smith of the Fort Worth Star Telegram, cited in Donald Smith's article, as the real owner. So much for Berko's expertise!

In October 1991, Horn & Hardart was taken over by North American Resources (NAR Group Limited), which included members of the Quasha family and a Swiss financial firm. The name was changed to Hanover Direct, a catalog retailing business with headquarters in Weehawken, New Jersey. The Swiss firm was Richemont Finance S.A. ("Richemont"), a Luxembourg company, owning about 49% of Hanover's common stock. Richemont was a wholly owned subsidiary of Compagnie Financiere Richemont, A.G., a Swiss public company engaged in luxury goods, tobacco and other business on behalf of its owner South African citizen Anton Rupert, who died in 2006. His son Johann Peter Rupert also worked in the same companies. The offshore havens were used to hide their South African ownership because of global embargoes against the apartheid government.

NAR was also affiliated with Intercontinental Mining & Resources Incorporated, to which it had executed a subordinated $10 million promissory note in 1996. Since Hanover owned both NAR and IMR, the note was surrendered to and cancelled by Hanover.

Harken's 1994 shareholders were reported to include the following:

• Renaissance Technologies.
• Aeneas Venture Partners, an entity affiliated with capital managed by a Harvard University endowment fund. According to a 1994 SEC filing Aeneas was holding 25,000 shares of Common Stock subject to stock options transferred to it by Michael R. Eisenson, a Director of Harken, effective March 1, 1991.
• Aeneas Venture Partners also held as trustee or nominee another 468,367 shares of Common Stock owned beneficially by the Harvard Master Trust [the pension plan for Harvard University]. Aeneas has no investment or voting power over these shares.
• Aeneas Venture Partners held another 234,204 shares of Common Stock owned beneficially by the Harvard Yenching Institute. Aeneas has no investment or voting power over these shares.
• Aeneas Venture Partners 321,679 shares of Common Stock owned beneficially by Phemus Corporation, all of which parties are affiliates of Aeneas.

MRI technology (Numar) developed for oil industry.

Another 1994 investor was Abdullah Taha Bakhsh, a one-time member of the board of Investcorp and director of the Zakat (Tax) Department at the Saudi Ministry of Finance, and whose chief banker was Khalid bin Mahfouz of BCCI. As stated at the last link by Lucy Komisar:

"BCCI was the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, a dirty offshore bank that then-president Ronald Reagan’s Central Intelligence Agency used to run guns to Hussein, finance Osama bin Laden, move money in the illegal Iran-Contra operation and carry out other “agency” black ops. The Bushes also benefited privately; one of the bank’s largest Saudi investors helped bail out George W. Bush’s troubled oil investments."

Russ Baker in his book, Family of Secrets, also explored the provenance of the funds that made their way into Harken. George Walker Bush joined the Harken board in September 1986, the same time Harken purchased Spectrum 7 Energy, a William DeWitt, Jr. and Mercer Reynolds company which merged with Bush's Arbusto Energy two years earlier. Bush had founded Arbusto in 1978.

A letter submitted by Alan G. Quasha to editors of The Nation in 2007 appears to agree with Baker's evaluation that he understood very little. Quasha stated in part about various allegations made in Family of Secrets and and article that appeared in The Nation, called “Hillary’s Mystery Money Men”:

"The insinuations against Harken Energy are false. When I was nonexecutive chairman, Harken’s major shareholders were George Soros, Harvard University and a joint venture I headed; none had ties with “BCCI,” “Saudi frontmen,” “a foreign dictator” or “figures with intelligence ties.” 

Baker and Adam Federman, who authored the Hillary article, vigorously rebutted Quasha's attack on their credibility.

~~~~~~~~~~~

"Saudi Arabia: Creation of the Petrodollar" has been in draft form for several years, being added to and edited as time permitted. Please refer to other articles in my  Quixotic Joust blog which are linked above, including the following:

Being the House Player at the Casino.
Who is Robert Mercer Really?
Remembering the Harken Money.

Arkansas' Gray Money

ADFA's website states: "ADFA is a public body politic and corporate, created in 1985 as successor to the Arkansas Housing Development Agency created in 1977. ADFA’s enabling legislation authorizes it to borrow money and issue bonds to provide sufficient funding for financing affordable housing, various business and economic development projects, and capital improvements for state agencies." 

AHDA bonds in 1978

Arkansas had passed legislation in 1977 to create the Arkansas Housing Development Agency for the purpose of assisting elderly and low- or moderate-income citizens to obtain financing to build, buy or repair homes--Act 427--while Bill Clinton was the state Attorney General, having been elected a few months earlier.

It was Governor David Pryor, a Democrat, who announced that the issue of AHDA's first bonds ($15 million) had been sold through an underwriting syndicate composed of E.F. Hutton, Inc., Stephens Inc., and T.J. Raney and Sons, Inc. Proceeds from this bond sale were to be used to purchase new mortgages to be made available by mortgage lenders in 75% of Arkansas counties.



In November 1978, Clinton was elected to replace Democrat David Pryor as Arkansas' governor. Pryor moved up to the U.S. Senate, from which he would retire after two terms, his seat being filled by Republican Tim Hutchinson, brother of Asa Hutchinson.

Affordable Living Through Capitalism

Two of these initial bond underwriters--Stephens and Raney--were based in Little Rock. Stephens Inc. had first been organized in 1946 as a partnership between brothers W. R. (Witt) Stephens and Jackson T. Stephens--W. R. Stephens Investment Co--before it was merged into Stephens Inc. in about 1956. The Stephens and Raney companies had joined together in issuing municipal bonds for local school buildings and the like since around 1948. Raney and Stephens had also been shareholders and officers in Arkansas-Louisiana Gas Company (ArkLa) for many years. 

Bob Nash

One of the first directors appointed to the new board was Bob J. Nash, then an employee of the Winthrop Rockefeller Foundation (WRF). This foundation was administered by Thomas C. (Tom) McRae IV, funded from Winthrop Rockefeller's testamentary charitable trust upon the former governor's death in 1973. McRae's bio is anything but what one would call typical for Arkansas:

Tom was the great-grandson of Thomas C. McRae who served as governor of Arkansas from 1920 through 1924. He graduated from El Dorado High School in 1956. He received a Bachelor of Arts Degree in history from the University of Arkansas, then attended the U. of A. Law School receiving the Juris Doctorate degree in 1963. He was a member of the Sigma Alpha Epsilon Fraternity. After graduating from law school, he made an unorthodox decision that would define the essence of his entire life and career. He decided to forgo law practice in favor of joining the Peace Corps, serving in Nepal from 1964 through 1966, teaching English at a boys' boarding school in the foothills of the Himalayas. He was befriended and supported in his work by the crown Prince of Nepal and later served as a land reform judge in the Terai region of India, traveling from village to village on the back of an elephant to help adjudicate land disputes. On his return to the USA, he met his future wife, Christine Gilchrist in Cairo, Egypt. They were married in Burton-on-Trent, England in 1966 and moved to Washington D.C., where Tom joined the war on poverty, working for Sargent Schriver in the Office of Economic Opportunity. In 1968,  Tom returned to Arkansas to direct the Model Cities Program in Texarkana. In 1972, he became Chief of Staff to Governor Dale Bumpers and a director of the Ozarks Regional Commission. After Governor Bumper's election to the U. S. Senate, Tom became the first president of the Winthrop Rockefeller Foundation in Little Rock, which he led for 14 years. In later years, he was Vic-President of Southern Development Bank Corporation in Arkadelphia and CEO of the Mountain Association for Community Economic Development (MACED) in Berea, Kentucky.

In 1976 the Winthrop Rockefeller Foundation also created the Arkansas Community Foundation (ACF) as a statewide tax-exempt non-profit allowed to accept donations. 

A Suspicious Name Intrudes 

Late in June 1976, ACF welcomed a close friend of the late Winthrop Rockefeller's son Winthrop Paul "Win" Rockefeller, as its new director. ACF was to have its expenses underwritten for five years by the WRF. This friend and director--David Boynton Roosevelt, a grandson of Franklin Delano Roosevelt--was a descendant of a person equally famous as Rockefeller. Win's uncle, Nelson Rockefeller, appointed vice president by Gerald Ford, less than two weeks after Nixon's resignation in August 1974, had only recently visited Little Rock to pay tribute to his deceased brother as the first Republican governor of Arkansas since Reconstruction. 

We do not know how David Roosevelt was hired or even why he would have wanted the job. He remained in it only one year. But, given his background, as well as the fact that it would later be alleged that Poppy Bush was directing Lest one be deceived by his name to think he was a socialist Democrat like his grandfather, it is advisable to review his background.

Born to Elliott and Ruth Goggins Roosevelt in 1942 in Fort Worth, Texas, he was only two years old when his parents divorced. His mother then married her former husband's best friend, Harry Taylor Eidson, and continued to live in Texas in the midst of the same wealthy oil men and meat packers around whom David Atlee Phillips grew up.
 

Lindsley-Roosevelt 1956

David's older sister, Ruth Chandler Roosevelt, in 1956 married Henry Dickinson Lindsley III, then an oil operator in Midland, Texas. The bridegroom's mother had been born Hattie S. Higginbotham, daughter of R.W. Higginbotham, a Dallas lumberman and banker. Hattie and Lindsley divorced, and she then married his best friend, Robert H. Stewart, Jr., soon after his wife Alice Partee Stewart died in 1945. Alice was daughter of noted rancher Charles Schreiner of Kerrville.

Summarizing the above confusing details: David Roosevelt's brother-in-law, Henry D. Lindsley III, had been the stepson of Robert H. Stewart, Jr. since 1945. His step-grandfather had been a founder of First National Bank Dallas. 

In January 1976 George H. W. (Poppy) Bush was named Ford's Director of the CIA. One year later, when Poppy Bush did not get reappointed by Carter, he went to work instead for a London investment bank, First International Bancshares (FIB) in London, set up in 1973 by Robert H. Stewart III, of Dallas, chairman of the holding company.

Poppy Bush served as director for the London bank and also chaired the executive committee and was director of the Houston branch of the bank. He also was named a director of Eli Lilly at around the same time. In July 1977 he was gearing up to help his son, George W. run for Congress in West Texas. He ended up losing in a Republican runoff in 1978. One year later the elder Bush announced he himself was running for President. Although the timing is intriguing, there is no evidence of any other connection between Bush, Stewart and Roosevelt.

McDougal

To the contrary, evidence has been stacked up by many that it was Bill Clinton who devised a scheme to use the infrastructure he created to assist low-income Arkansas citizens for his own purposes.  

Sen. J. William Fulbright, for whom both Clinton and his friend James McDougal had clerked in different years at the U.S. Capitol was beaten in 1974 for his long-held Senate seat by Democrat Dale Bumpers in the primary. Bumpers had defeated Winthrop Rockefeller for governor in 1970, and then was Governor of Arkansas until the month he was sworn in as Fulbright's replacement in the Senate. Bill Clinton, then a law professor at the University of Arkansas, also ran for Congress in that election but lost. The next year he and Hillary married, and Bill made plans to run for the state Attorney General in 1976, his first elective office. The Clintons moved 190 miles to Little Rock in 1977, the same year newly inaugurated President Jimmy Carter was sworn into office. Carter's former roommate at the U.S. Naval Academy, Jackson Stephens, in that same year, 1977, became involved in an underwriting with Carter's new Director of the Office of Management and Budget, Bert Lance.

The Stephens Brothers' History

Lorenzo Dow Stephens, born in Indiana, arrived in Arkansas after the Civil War and in 1877 married a widow who had four very young daughters to raise. Among the children they had together was Albert Jackson Stephens, father of Wilton Robert and Jackson Thomas Stephens. L. D. had engaged in farming in Lonoke County (northeast of Little Rock), and Albert followed in his footsteps, although by 1910 had relocated to River Township (near Prattsville) in Grant County (southeast of Little Rock). Albert died in 1969 in Prattsville, located in the county in which all his children except Witt and Jackson still resided.

When Witt registered for WWII in 1940, his business address was 111 West 2nd Street in Little Rock, one block away where the massive Stephens, Inc. Building and garage now stands at 250 West 2nd. The 1949 Little Rock city directory listed his wife Joye as vice president. Jack T. Stephens was only listed in the directory as a person living in an apartment at 700 N. Cedar about a mile or so away from Witt's home at 1819 Shadow (they still lived there in 1958). If one stood in front of each of those residences today, facing toward the Arkansas River, the view would be Winrock International, the nonprofit conglomerate created as a result of Winthrop Rockefeller's will shortly after his death in 1973. 



McDougal, an aide to the Senator since 1961, ran the Little Rock office and met Clinton in 1968 when Bill was hired as the summer driver for Fulbright during his re-election campaign. Unfortunately, Bill's chatter distressed Fulbright to the point of distraction, and he had to be moved to another position in the campaign.

For some reason Fulbright had invested in a real estate deal in Faulkner County, Arkansas with McDougal in 1971, as well as in a larger tract in Saline County in 1973. Saline County was, of course, where Alexander, Arkansas, is located, though the investment tract was said to be north of Interstate 30, rather than south. It would be interesting to check the land titles to those tracts to see if any other lands were acquired nearby.

was defeated in 1974 and was placed on the board of Stephens, Inc. in August 1977.

, the investment bank which had recently acted as lead underwriter in raising $7 million for Bert Lance to buy the National Bank of Georgia.

perhaps either as a result of ideas brought to him by either horse-racing enthusiast and stock broker Dan R. Lasater, whom Bill allegedly met through his mother and brother, whose company underwrote $640 million in bonds between 1983 and 1986.

 In 1986 WRF created the  Southern Bancorp, a community development bank, modeled on a similar bank in Illinois set up by Hillary Rodham's roommate at Wellesley, Jan Piercy. McRae had been an idealistic young man from a long line of Arkansans who wanted to improve the state of Arkansas.That same year the same entities and individuals joined together in founding the Southern Development Bancorporation. On this bank board appeared Walter V. Smiley, the Arkansas bank executive who founded Systematics, Inc. in 1968 and had sold 80% of the company's stock to Jackson Stephens by July 1977 (his brother had retired by then).

Stephens would have desired to own the data processing software Smiley had created because he had been primary underwriting who Bert Lance a large interest in the National Bank of Georgia. He then turned to gaining control of Financial General Bancshares of Washington, D.C. along with foreigners who owned BCCI.

By the time the scandal involving Bert Lance and BCCI was resolved, the United States had elected Ronald Reagan and George Bush as president and vice-president. Arkansas by then  had elected Bill Clinton as governor, and he would set about to increase the bond issuing authority of AHDA by expanding into business loans.] 

The Crimes of Mena:

GRAY MONEY

by the Staff of the OZARK GAZETTE

Activists seeking documentation that would support claims that the state of Arkansas was involved with money laundering on a massive scale may have found the missing link in their three year search. 

Documents obtained by the Arkansas Committee show that the Arkansas Development and Finance Authority, a Bill Clinton signature project, was involved in a highly questionable, and possibly illegal, $60,000,000 deal in which ADFA borrowed $5,000,000 from a Japanese bank in order to buy stock in a Barbados insurance company.  The stock was not registered with the Securities and Exchange Commission.
The state of Arkansas was the lead investor in a deal which poured $60,000,000 through a Barbados company, Coral Reinsurance, which is currently [1995] under investigation by insurance regulators in New York, Pennsylvania, and Delaware as well as by Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morgenthau, lead prosecutor in the BCCI scandal. Additionally,the Ozark Gazette has recently been told that as a result of the release of the Coral documents the independent counsel, Kenneth Starr, is also investigating the deal.

Persons involved in the deal, which began in 1987 and ended in 1991, include Bob Nash, then president of ADFA and now Personnel Director of the White House; Robert Rubin, then president of Goldman Sachs investment bank and now Secretary of the Treasury; and Maurice Greenberg, president of American International Group, and a candidate in 1995 to be Director of Central Intelligence.

The American International Group is a $100 billion, multi-national insurance company which founded Coral Reinsurance Company in 1987. The fact that AIG founded Coral was hidden from

insurance regulators for at least 3 years and was only recently proven by the reluctant release by ADFA of the original stock placement memorandum.

Maurice Greenburg as president of AIG is a very well connected businessman and a player in international politics. He serves as the chairman of the US-China Business Council and lobbied hard (and successfully) for the Clinton administration to sever the link between China's human rights record and renewal of China's most-favored-nation trade status. Members of the board of directors of AIG include Martin Feldstein, Harvard University economics professor and former chairman of the President's Council of Economic Advisors and Carla Hills, former U.S. trade representative. AIG's  international advisory board is headed by Henry A. Kissinger.

The original deal was pitched to ADFA by Goldman-Sachs, a New York based securities firm which played an important role in the transaction. Goldman-Sachs had pledged to sell the stock for Coral and in addition pledged to buy the stock if for any reason the other investors could not hold it and were forced to sell. Goldman's president at the time was  Robert Rubin, later appointed by the Clinton administration to succeed Lloyd Bentsen as the Secretary of the Treasury. [AIG had set up Coral Re in Barbados in 1987 for the purpose of reinsuring its business. Even though Coral was capitalized at only $15 million, AIG purchased approximately $1 billion in reinsurance from Coral, whose first issue of 1,000 shares of stock had been sold to, among others, ADFA (84 shares), according to Wooten Epes.]

THE SEARCH BEGINS

Founded in 1990 as a student organization at the University of Arkansas, the Arkansas Committee's major focus was on Arkansas' involvement with the mysterious activities at the Mena airport during the 1980's. The Committee spent two years unsuccessfully trying to convince the state government to investigate links between major drug smuggler Barry Seal (also a government informant), who worked out of the Mena, Arkansas airport, and the U.S. Intelligence community.

Recently, two very respected investigative journalists, Roger Morris and Sally Denton, have published the most authoritative and highly documented account to date of events at the Mena airport between 1982 and 1986. Based on over 2,000 documents including the previously unpublished personal papers of Barry Seal, their article "The Crimes of Mena" in the July issue of Penthouse Magazine reveals the government's protection, and cover up of drug smuggling, gun running and money laundering.

Realizing that personal accounts were not sufficient to convince skeptics, in the summer of 1992 the Committee began what would become its most difficult journey--finding enough hard evidence to convince the media (the court of last resort, the government having rebuffed two years of pleas to do the job itself) to investigate and write about Mena. And so they began trying to locate the long buried paper trail, armed only with the Freedom of Information Act and determination.

But what sort of hard documentation could they reasonably hope to find? The Committee's sources had on more than one occasion indicated that up to $10,000,000 a week in illegal cash was going through Arkansas at the height of the Mena operation. Therefore the most logical course seemed to be to the hoary old cliche, follow the money.

For two important reasons, the Committee decided to look into the Arkansas Development Finance Authority (ADFA).  First, some admittedly circumstantial evidence linked ADFA to the Mena operations.  Secondly, as a state agency, ADFA was subject to Arkansas's Freedom of Information Act, and so documents could be extracted from what was hoped would be an important source of information. Throughout 1992, the Arkansas Committee contacted numerous sources in their search for evidence that ADFA may have been involved in money laundering operations. Several people assured them that ADFA was indeed involved, knowingly or otherwise, with laundering many millions of dollars.

ADFA sells bonds as a state bonding agency, and it was alleged that many of the bonds were bought with drug money.   But this meant that even if the bonds were purchased with black money, ADFA would still be in the clear, since ADFA could claim that they had no knowledge of the sources of the money used to purchase their bonds. Additionally, ADFA does not sell its own bonds directly to the public, but instead uses a middleman--a bond underwriter--the perfect deniable link.

Committee member Mark Swaney suspected that it was possible that ADFA had become involved in money laundering directly, so he began searching for other ways in which black money may have been moved with ADFA's involvement.In August of 1992, Swaney received what he felt was his first real break, when a source told him to look for ADFA's involvement with an insurance company.

COMMITTEE HITS PAY DIRT

Life not being like the movies, it took two years before the Committee was able to find any such link. In 1994, Swaney and the Arkansas Committee (in thus far their last official act as a group) sued ADFA for their auditor's working papers, after the documents were not forthcoming. The lack of interest on the part of the main stream press had not changed and the only attendees at the press conference announcing the suit were one reporter, and a camera crew from a public access television station. 

In a recent Arkansas Supreme Court ruling that has extended the power of the state's freedom of information act, Swaney and the Arkansas Committee were handed a unanimous victory when the court overturned the original decision by Judge Kim Smith. The new ruling places the burden of obtaining public documents held by private companies on the relevant state agency. The decision means that state agencies cannot circumvent the freedom of information act by insuring that they are not in possession of sensitive documents.  (Oh, we don't have "physical possession" of that document - because we gave it to our lawyer to keep...)

The Committee reasoned that the public audits of ADFA were unlikely to provide any useful information, however the working papers of the auditors should yield a much more complete and detailed picture of ADFA's dealings. Because the Committee members were not financial experts they decided to locate someone well versed in accounting and/or auditing to review the papers when and if they could obtain them. To this end, Swaney teamed up with well-known independent financial analyst and ADFA critic, Roy Drew.  

In a conversation about their collaboration, Drew told Swaney that he had found evidence of ADFA's involvement in a very strange deal with a certain Coral Reinsurance Company. Roy Drew had been reading the minutes of ADFA's board of directors meetings and found one paragraph (in thousands of pages) describing a deal where ADFA would borrow $5,000,000 from the Sanwa bank's Chicago branch to buy stock in Coral Reinsurance. Additionally, the minutes revealed that according to the terms of the loan ADFA did not have to repay the loan if it did not make as much money in dividends on the stock as it owed in interest on the loan. To the Committee, this seemed to be the long sought after link between ADFA and an insurance company, especially since there was no known connection to any other insurance business.

After finally obtaining an opportunity to examine the ADFA auditor's working papers, the Committee asked ADFA for copies of all documents relating to the Coral insurance deal. Derek Rose, PR man for ADFA, readily agreed to make the Coral documents available. On December 2, 1994 ADFA's auditors (Deloitte & Touche) allowed Swaney and Drew limited access to the working papers.  On the same day Swaney visited ADFA and copied the entire Coral file that Rose had retrieved for him. While Swaney was copying the documents, Rose was apparently seeing the material for the first time. It quickly became obvious to Swaney that several documents contained in the file where very sensitive  inter-office ADFA memos. One of the memos, apparently written in a panic by Bob Nash, indicated that he had been questioned about the Coral deal in 1992, and had been shaken by it. In addition, a letter written to ADFA by the Delaware Department of Insurance requested information concerning ADFA's involvement with Coral Reinsurance, and strongly suggested that they were investigating Coral Reinsurance.

CURIOUSER AND CURIOUSER

After returning to Fayetteville, Swaney and the Committee began to study the documents in detail.  Several facts were especially interesting given the background of the search.  First, Coral Reinsurance was incorporated in the tiny Caribbean island of Barbados - a notorious haven for money launderers due to its very lax banking regulations, and tight corporate secrecy laws. If someone wanted to launder cash, this was a good place to do it. Second, the deal was structured in such a way as to prevent the reporting of the ownership of the stock to the IRS. Third, the stock certificate plainly stated that "these securities have not been registered under the securities and exchange commission act of 1933". The deal had all the earmarks of a clandestine arrangement designed to conceal the true ownership of Coral Reinsurance.

Further information gleaned from the documents showed that ADFA's role in the deal was unique.  There were several other investors, none of whom had any visible government connection. Also, ADFA's share of the stock was larger than any other investor, and ADFA had signed a "put agreement" with Goldman Sachs in which they obligated themselves to buy the stock of any other investor in the case that the investor found that they could no longer hold the stock, and Goldman could find no other qualified investor.

Finally, in case ADFA couldn't hold the stock, Goldman Sachs would buy it. In no case was the Sanwa Bank ever to own the stock.

The total amount of stock in the deal was 1,000 shares at $60,000 per share for a total of $60 million.  ADFA's portion was 84 shares for a total of $5.04 million. Another very interesting fact was that the money apparently never left the Sanwa Bank. The whole transaction was conducted on paper. Sanwa loaned the $60 million to the investors, who used it to buy the stock in Coral, which then redeposited the money back in the Sanwa bank in the form of a certificate of deposit.  Also mentioned in the documents was the American International Group, a huge insurance company with international business and political connections. The documents indicated that Coral was going to re-insure AIG as part of its business.

Taken together, these facts indicated that this deal was indeed very  strange. ADFA took no risk, since the loan with Sanwa guaranteed it a profit, and was secured solely by the stock.

ADFA did nothing more than sign papers, in exchange for a profit of $58,000. At first glance, any intelligent person would question a deal that promised something for nothing (indeed, it was later revealed that one of ADFA's legal advisors - John Selig of the Mitchell firm - did ask the crucial questions, "what's in it for AIG? why pay us for nothing?"). 

Swaney and Drew could not help wondering whether or not ADFA's role was to provide the appearance of legitimacy and liquidity so that the other investors would not be fearful of getting involved.

Roy Drew and Mark Swaney wanted to learn all that they could about the Coral deal before releasing the documents to the media, so that further information could be obtained before media involvement stirred up the situation.  Roy Drew contacted the Delaware Department of Insurance to find out what their original interest in Coral had been and to see if they were still interested in obtaining the ADFA documents.

The Delaware Department of Insurance was in fact very interested in the documents and a series of strange phone conversations took place between Drew and his contact at the DDI. 

Drew was told that ADFA had never responded to the DDI's request for information, so that they had no documentation on the Coral-ADFA deal. 

Initially the DDI was very suspicious of Roy Drew, not being sure with whom they were dealing.  They  requested assurance from him that he was not a member of any official US government agency and that he was not working for ADFA or Coral.  

Shortly after these initial exchanges Drew's original contact at the DDI was taken off the case and his superiors informed Drew that his contact had been instructed not to say anything more to anyone about the case.  Seeing no point in trying to get further information from Delaware about the case, Swaney and Drew decided to release the story to the media. A reporter for the business section of the New York Post, John Crudele, had been following the progress of the Committee's efforts and in early January, 1995, Swaney mailed him the Coral documents.

FURTHER REVELATIONS

Things began to get even stranger on January 6, 1995. That day John Crudele of the New York Post published a column which called attention to whole deal involving Coral, ADFA and AIG. The story was only on streets in New York for a few hours when Swaney received a call from a man who told Swaney he had been conducting his own investigation of Coral Insurance and AIG but had not realized until then that the connections led to people now in the White House. When Swaney asked him to identify himself, he declined to do so, for fear of retaliation.

We will call him Mr. Anonymous. It seems that Mr. Anonymous is an insurance man in New York City - a competitor of AIG - and at sometime in the last two years he became very suspicious of AIG because its affiliates were offering insurance at premiums way below market rates. 

Mr. Anonymous told Swaney that he could not believe that a legitimate insurance company could stay in business offering such low rates. Mr. Anonymous suspected that he was in competition with an illegal enterprise, and began poking around in the affairs of AIG. At some point after that, Mr. Anonymous became frightened, and dropped his investigation, because he believed that the repercussions were damaging his own business.  Mr. Anonymous also told Swaney (and John Crudele of the New York Post) that AIG and it's relationship with Coral Reinsurance was under investigation by the insurance regulators of Pennsylvania and New York.

Mr.  Anonymous had discovered that AIG was doing a lot of business through the island nation Bermuda. He then flew to Bermuda to examine the records of AIG's business dealings. In conversation with Swaney, Mr. Anonymous said that one of the companies that he believed to be underwriting policies issued by AIG had given a Fort Smith, Arkansas address. When Swaney asked for the name of the company, Mr. Anonymous told him it was Beverly Indemnity.

Intrigued by the new connections to Arkansas, Swaney requested, and received, copies of the documents that Mr. Anonymous had obtained in Bermuda. The documents for Beverly Indemnity of Bermuda contained the names of two of its officers, Robert Pommerville, and Ronald C. Kayne. 

Swaney suspected that Beverly Indemnity was controlled by the well-known Beverly Enterprises of Fort Smith, AR - a call to Beverly Enterprises revealed that Pommerville did indeed work for Beverly Enterprises. 

Pommerville was later identified as the General Counsel for Beverly Enterprises. At the time of the Coral Insurance deal, Beverly Enterprises was owned and controlled by Stephens, Inc.

In a telephone interview Mr. Pommerville stated that Beverly Enterprises has an ongoing relationship with one of AIG's affiliates. The National Union Fire and Home Insurance company of Pittsburgh,

Pennsylvania insures the Beverly Enterprises nursing homes. In turn, Beverly Indemnity, Inc. reinsures National Union. Mr. Pommerville stated that the arrangement was a step toward Beverly Enterprises becoming self-insured. Beverly Enterprises has a current connection with ADFA though Bobby Stephens (no relation to Stephens Inc.) who is a member of the board of directors of both ADFA and Beverly Enterprises. The minutes of the board of directors meeting at which the board members voted to buy the Coral Reinsurance stock show that Bobby Stephens was absent. 

Beverly Enterprises has an intriguing past association with ADFA. Those with long memories will recall that in the year after the Coral deal, a controversy erupted involving Beverly Enterprises, ADFA and former Arkansas Attorney General Steve Clark. At that time ADFA was considering a deal involving a bond issue which would have benefited Beverly Enterprises.  Clark interrupted the public ADFA meeting involving the issuance of the bonds and claimed that the Stephens family, then the principal owners of Beverly Enterprises, had offered him a $100,000 campaign contribution (translated- bribe) if he would remain neutral on the deal involving ADFA and Beverly Enterprises. 

Other observers of state politics have claimed that Clark's later problems originated with his grandstand announcement "in front of God and everybody" at the ADFA meeting.

Soon after the columns by John Crudele appeared in the New York Post, other media began to be interested in the Coral Reinsurance deal. Business Insurance magazine reported on the Coral deal.  An AIG spokesperson denied that AIG had organized Coral Reinsurance. Other industry sources told John Crudele that $450 million dollars had suddenly appeared in Coral's account in just the last two weeks of 1987. Investigators have been unable toidentify the source of the cash infusion.

Further columns on the story by John Crudele indicated that AIG was attempting to distance itself from Coral and would only say that Coral wrote reinsurance policies for AIG - investigators for insurance regulators wanted to know if AIG actually in fact owned Coral. This is the reason that the Delaware Department of Insurance originally contacted ADFA in 1992.  The DDI wanted to see the stock placement memoranda because such memoranda usually include information on who is starting the company, what the nature of the business is, and with whom it intends to do business.

In mid December Swaney had written another FOIA request to ADFA, asking for copies of documents relating to the Coral deal which were not in the original file obtained on the second of December.  Two of documents requested were:

1. the confidential stock placement memoranda.
2. the written legal opinion promised by ADFA to Coral which was supposed  to state that ADFA had legal authority to buy the stock in first place. 

ADFA responded to the FOIA by stating that all of the Coral documents in ADFA's possession had already been copied by Swaney.

By the middle of February 1995 it was determined that ADFA's response, while technically true, was simply a dodge since the requested documents were in fact in the possession of one of ADFA's attorneys, Ann Ritchie-Parker of the Mitchell Firm, a prestigious Little Rock law firm.

When the long sought after memorandum was finally obtained, it revealed that indeed, AIG had founded Coral Reinsurance.

While all of these facts were in themselves very interesting, an event in the latter part of February, 1995 added yet another twist to this bizarre story.  In an article in February 20 issue US News & World Report it was revealed that Maurice Greenburg was being promoted by Senator Arlen Specter as the successor to Woolsey as Director of Central Intelligence. Jack Wheeler, writing in the February 22 issue of Strategic Investment Newsletter, stated that the Clinton administration had sent up a "trial balloon" in January on the possibility of nominating Greenburg as the new Director of Central Intelligence. There was very little support for a Greenburg nomination. Did the newly published details of the Coral-ADFA deal deflate the balloon?

At about the same time Bob Nash, author of the "panic" memo, and former President of ADFA was made the director of White House personnel by Clinton. 

On February the fifth, Lloyd Bentsten, former Secretary of the Treasury was appointed to the board of directors of AIG.

Bentsten's successor at the treasury was Robert Rubin, the President of Goldman Sachs at the time of the Coral/ADFA deal.

By the middle of February the stories written by Crudele were attracting attention in the Arkansas press. Andrea Harter of the Democrat Gazette began a month long investigation into the Coral deal.  The story appeared March 5, 1995 and revealed even more extensive connections between AIG/ADFA. 

In the year preceding the purchase of Coral stock by ADFA, an AIG affiliate had managed over one billion dollars worth of ADFA's bonds. Having been founded in 1985 and starting business in 1986, by early 1987 ADFA had only been in business a little over a year. AIG's involvement with that much of their bonds so early in ADFA's history indicates a very strong relationship. 

Once again, considering that the Arkansas Committee had been told that US Intelligence had indeed laundered money through ADFA, and that the sale of ADFA's bonds was one such vehicle for doing so, Maurice Greenburg's connections to international politics and intelligence was very interesting.

As a result of Andrea Harter's investigation it was determined that the written legal opinion referred to in the Coral/ADFA documents did not exist. Ms. Ann Parker-Ritchie claimed that "everyone agreed at the time that it was legal for ADFA to purchase the stock" so the opinion was never written down. Although this point was not challenged by Harter in the Democrat Gazette article, John Haman noted in the following weeks edition of the Arkansas Times that Article 12, Section 7 of the Arkansas State Constitution flatly prohibits the state of Arkansas from owning any stock. Thus it would appear that ADFA's purchase of the Coral stock was illegal. Mark Swaney comments "no wonder they didn't write the opinion down on paper!"

Aside from the cloak-and-dagger aspects of the Coral Reinsurance deal, the Arkansas Committee's investigation of ADFA reveals some interesting points concerning this center of financial power in Arkansas. First is the fact that ADFA's dealings do not have to have anything to do with helping the

economy of Arkansas directly. Aside from a small profit of $58,000 on a 5 million dollar loan, who in Arkansas benefited from the Coral deal? Who in Arkansas benefits from the billions of dollars in bonds which ADFA sells? 

Certainly the bond daddies of Stephens and other underwriters. Roy Drew has studied the dealings of ADFA and calls the agency "an unregulated savings and loan". ADFA has claimed that they have oversight in the form of independent auditors.  In fact, the legislation that created ADFA in 1985

specifically prohibited ADFA from using the Joint Legislative Auditing Agency - the state's public auditors. Was this an attempt to circumvent the Freedom of Information Act?  Documents obtained by the Arkansas Committee from Deloitte & Touche (ADFA's auditors) show at least one example of the auditors covering up for ADFA and was reported in the February 17, 1995 issue of the Arkansas Times.

Auditing firms are noted for being more than willing to please their customers, as in the infamous Silverado Savings and Loan case. 

The auditor's papers also showed that the board of directors of ADFA on four occasions approved loans in spite of their own staff's recommendations that the companies not receive the loans. Two of the loans have since defaulted. In three of the four cases, the companies were owned by people who were friends of the members of the board of directors. In one of the four cases, $400,000 was loaned to the husband of a long time ADFA employee, and former secretary to Bob Nash.

Considering that the board is entirely appointed by the governor, the possibilities for political corruption are obvious. Consider that the flow of billions of dollars is controlled essentially by one man.  Consider the unaccountable power which flows to the person who can decide which underwriters get to slop at the trough.

Regardless of the outcome of the five separate investigations into AIG-Coral and ADFA, the results of the investigations of the Arkansas Committee have revealed a source of unaccountable power which is inconsistent with a democratic government.

For Committee members (such as Mark Swaney, Charlie Reed, Carol Conger, and John Benedict) it means that they may at last receive attention for what they have been trying to point out, and not how it might affect anyone's political fortunes. 

For those who may only get their information from daily newspapers, here is a brief background of what became known as the Mena Connection.  In 1982, the near legendary drug smuggler, turned DEA informant, Barry Seal relocated his operations from Louisiana to the small town of Mena, Arkansas. Shortly thereafter, locals began to notice strange occurrences at the airport.

Over the next two years, local law enforcement officials heard stories of drug smuggling, gun running, illegal aircraft modifications, money laundering, and paramilitary training in the surrounding hills. Police began an investigation, only to have it taken over by the federal government.  After two more years, through 1986, local and federal investigators had what they believed to be solid evidence of these crimes, only to see the United States Attorney refuse to present their evidence to the eventual grand jury.

Later, these investigators, and members of the grand jury themselves, complained loudly to the press that the case had been mishandled.  When in October of 1986, Barry Seal's airplane was shot down over Nicaragua (the opening chapter of the infamous Iran/Contra affair) it became obvious to some observers that there had in fact been a cover-up of the alleged activities at the Mena airport.

Reasoning that even if the federal government had covered up what had occurred at Mena, it was still possible for the state government to investigate the situation, the Arkansas Committee's early strategy was to press for state investigation of Mena.  From 1990 through early 1992, the Committee wrote letters, organized demonstrations, visited the offices of state officials, collected evidence and held press conferences, all in an attempt to pressure officials into reopening the case at the state level.

Failing to persuade officials to act, the Committee could not help but wonder why. Soon, they were faced with a previously unthinkable conclusion - it was as much an inside job as anything else.

Suspecting that Governor Bill Clinton had reason to hide such state involvement, the Committee decided to go public. Up to this point the Committee had been treated fairly and on occasion, even praised by the local media.  However, now that the Committee was pointing an accusing finger at the local hero, the media began to turn against the people who were asking for simple justice. 

At every step of the way, it has been an uphill battle. They have been accused of being dupes of the Republicans, of being cat's-paws of dark political forces.  Mark Swaney, the leader of the group, has vivid memories of being angrily accosted by the editor of a liberal newspaper, zealously defending Bill Clinton against these infidels. The veracity of the accusations, that Clinton may have had knowledge of CIA involvement with Mena was not the point, the editor insisted. If we don t have Clinton, who do we have?

They found themselves in the uncomfortable position of being praised by right-wingers, who had their own agendas, and vilified by liberals, who feared that any serious criticism of the shining hope of the Democratic party might mean four more years of George Bush. In few instances was the truth ever the issue, but merely how the facts might affect the political fortunes of Arkansas' favorite son. 

Information the group supplied became the basis for articles in The Nation, The Washington Times and Village Voice, as well as providing groundwork for exposes on television programs such as "A Current Affair," and  'Now It Can Be Told."   

However, in May 1992, the efforts to tell the truth about Mena slid off-track when Time magazine, attempting discredit the allegations, printed a major story purporting to tell the truth  about the events in Arkansas, especially regarding connections to Bill Clinton, who was beginning his rapid ascent to the White House. The direction of the story was that it was much ado about nothing.